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ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

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ACCESSION NO.. 65015

CALL No. 389-l6Q934/5^L

D.G.A. 79

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MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

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“In all those transactions which relate to worldly, Vedic or
(other) similarly religious aJBFairs, calculation is of use”. (1:9)
‘•‘What is the good of saying much in vain? Whatever there
it in all the three worlds, which are possessed of moving and
non-moving things — all that indeed cannot exist as apart from
measurement”. (1:16)

— Mahavira’s Gapitasara-sangraha

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

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FIRST PUBLISHED 1979
BY S. BALWANT

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P. Box 2194, delhi-110007

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Foreword

THE interesting human experience of using the materials of
the world requires measuring length, area, volumes, weights
etc. This need was satisfied by all cultural groups in a variety
of ways in which fingers, hands, body length, weights of grains,
etc., were used.

This activity, developed systems of mensurations over the
whole world and they were used to measure the objects and
form standardised patterns of human behaviour for transac-
tions of trade, commerce, division of property, paying for
.labour, measuring time, etc., in different times and areas.

In India also, this effort of standardization of mensurations
has a long history. In this effort many experiments were made
and many systems were developed. Mrs. Srinivasan has taken
great care in analysing these systems of measuring length, area
volume, weight and time by the study of written and archaeo-
logical data. Besides, she has compared the local practices
.that were existing till recently and some that continue to exist.

Besides, the comparison of the mensurations of different
countries, she has given a succinct account of the common
elements of this branch of human activity.

Her work, therefore, fulfils a long standing requirement in
this field. It will be an useful work for archaeologists and
historians and also will provide an extremely interesting read-
ing to the general reader.

Department of Ancient Indian — R. N. Mehta

History, Culture and Archaeology
M.S. University of Baroda
BARODA.

Preface

IN recent years a good number of monographs have come up
on the economic history of ancient India, but no work has so
far been published on an important aspect of this economic
history, namely the weights and measures of ancient India.
This work aims in filling that need.

In a large number of works in ancient India on political
science, mathematics and astronomy, certain aspects of weights
and measures have been described. The present work deals
with gathering of all those materials along with the references
in epigraphs and correlate them with the weights and measures
mentioned in the literature of the other civilizations relating to
that period.

I am deeply indebted to Dr. R.N. Mehta, Head, Depart-
ment of Archaeology, Maharaja Sayajirao University, Baroda,
whose encouragement and inspiring guidance made it possible
to plan and complete this work. I would like to record my
humble gratitude to him for the interest he took in guiding me
through.

I offer my thanks to the artists of the department of
Archaeology, M. S. University of Baroda, for preparing the
charts and photographs.

Numerous scholars have contributed directly or indirectly
on this subject and I have drawn extensively from their works,
I express my thanks to all those scholars, whom I have quoted
in this study.

I am thankful to Mr. S. Balwant, proprietor, Ajanta Books
International for having taken a personal interest in printing
and publishing this book.

10 - 11-78

— Saradha Srinivasan

v'cL-fy'M Mo. SL /’l-8'?*j

Contents

Foreword v

Preface vi

Abbreviations viii

1. INTRODUCTION 1-5

2. LINEAR MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA 6-34

3. AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA 35-68

4. VOLUME MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA 69-92

5. WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA 93-117

6. MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT

INDIA 118-161

7. CONCLUSIONS 162-167

Appendix-1 168

Appendix-2 169-170

Bibliography 171-185

Index 187-206

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Abbreviations

AGAS

BSOAC

CBI

CH

EG

El

HAS

IA

IC

IE

IHQ

JASB

JAHRS

JBBRAS

JBRS-

JH4

JMSUB

JNSI

JOIB

JRAS

JTSML

KI

MASR

MAER

NDI

QJMS

SII

Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological
Series

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies

Corpus of Bengal Inscriptions

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum

Epigraphia Carnatica

Epigraphia Indica

Hyderabad' Archaeological Series

Indian Antiquary

Indian Culture

Indian Epigraphy

Indian Historical Quarterly

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

Journal of the Andhra Historical Research

Society

Journal of the Bombay Branch of Royal
Asiatic Society

Journal of the Bihar Research Society
Journal of Indian History
Journal of the Maharaja Sayajirao University
of Baroda

Journal of the Numismatic Society of India
Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
Journal of the Tanjore Saraswati Mahal
Library

Karnataka Inscriptions
Mysore Archaeological Survey Reports
Madras Annual Epigraphical Reports
Nellore District Inscriptions
Quarterly Journal of Mythic Society
South Indian Inscriptions

Introduction

A STUDY of the evolution of measures and weights in any
civilization constitutes one of the important parameters for
assessing and understanding its growth. For example, even
today the ancient Egypt is remembered for its contributions to
astronomy, while ancient Greek and Roman civilizations are
remembered, for setting the foundations of modern mathema-
tical standards and for the development of currency as means
for transacting trade and business. The very evolution of
economic history of a civilization gets intimately linked with
the growth of its weights, measures and coinage.

For the primitive man and even animals, the earliest
concepts relating to measurements would be in relation to
distances and sizes of objects, which would serve to help him
in his day-to-day activities. A monkey will have to understand
the distance to jump across and also will have to have the
concept of the size of other animals to decide to fight or flee.
Thus this basic need, as the knowledge of man increased, led
to the ideas on linear measurements, weight, volume, etc.

Similarly, with the needs of lifting materials such as
carrying food or prey, lifting of materials for building
shelter or carrying firewood, etc., ideas about relative weights
of objects must have evolved, which further would have led to
standardized weights and measures for promotion of trade and

t i r: i r

u D v x

2

MBNSURATION IN ANCIINT INDIA

business transactions. This should have progressed to the
designing of more and more sophisticated instruments for
weighing such as balances, stiles and weights. The older
methods of barter system for trade transactions proved to be
cumbersome and difficult, particularly, while dealing with
heavy objects and products that can decay. This naturally,
led to the development of coinage system, which has now
become the backbone of all economic activities. The study of
the extent to which these systems cot evolved due to internal
capabilities and the extent of outside influences on these
systems can go a long way to understand not only the growth
of the civilization of a nation, but also can contribute to assess
the impact of its international relationships through the ages.

In India, even though many studies have been made in
relation to currency in ancient India, no serious study appears
to have been made to trace the evolution of measures and
weights. It was, therefore, considered worthwhile to critically
examine the old literature and epigraphical references, with a
view to trace the evolution of concepts of measures and
weights in ancient India and also to compare these develop-
ments along with the contemporary developments in other
known ancient civilizations.

A brief examination of this subject relating to western
India, through the period 7th century A.D. to early 14th
century A.D., formed a small part of Ph.D, thesis presented
by the author to the M.S. University of Baroda.

Even though, that study was restricted to a small part of
India over a limited period, it revealed the fact, that different
regions in India had different types of units of measures and
weights, and that they also differed from period to period
linked with changing dynasties, rather than to a standardized
commercial system. This variety and fluctuations noticed in
this earlier study, led to the belief that the concept of measures
and weights in India had many differences and variations in
different parts of the country at different periods. All the same,
there had been a flourishing trade existing within the country
and also with traders from abroad. Such commercial contacts,
should have brought about certain common features in the
concepts of measures and weights in the country as a whole,

INTRODUCTION

3

which are examined here. To a large extent this evolution
appears to be linked with the growth of mathematics as a
discipline. The great contributions made in the field of astro-
nomy in anoint India also indicate the advances made in India
in terms of measurements of time, stellar movements, distances
between planets, their movements, etc.

In India, just as in all other phases of activities, even in
relation to measures and weights, there appears to have existed
an undercurrent of unity in diversity. This aspect also has been
considered in this work.

A brief account relating to the study on measures and
weights in ancient India will be relevant to understand the
scope of this work.

Measures and weights have an older history than that of
•currency. Excavations at the Indus valley have disclosed various
types of weights current in India, during the 3rd millennium
B.C. The term pramdna meaning measure was classified into
four types namely, manci (measure of capacity) tula mana
(measure by weight), avamana (linear measurement) and kala
promana (measurement of time). Vedic measures were simple,
meeting the needs of day-to-day-life. For linear measurements,
different parts of human body were regarded as units. A man s
stride* was known as prakrama . By the same way, for the
measure of capacity prasfti , meaning a handful, was used.
Similarly anjali meaning two hands joined together which was
double of prastti was also in common use.

Later on these simple practical units were further developed.
Sulva sutra portion of Dkarmasutras refers to a variety of
linear and area measurements.

Kautilya describes several kinds of balances, thereby
showing the appreciation for the need of accuracy in weighing
even in early times. Several tables were used for measuring
gold, silver and other articles. . For the sake of convenience,
cubic measures were also used for measuring out grains.
Manu, Yajilavalkya and later on Vijnaneswara followed almost
the same systems of Kautilya, with slight variations.

Astronomical and astrological books, which were abundant
in ancient India, furnish tables for measurements of space and
.time. Aryabhata I (born in 476 A.D.) in his AryabhatTya , has

4

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

allotted a chapter on mensuration called ganita pada. Varaha-
mihira refers to mensuration in his Brhatsamhita. There is a
similar chapter in Brahmasphutasiddhanta (628 A.D.) of
Brahmagupta. While commenting on it, Pruthudakasvamin
(860 A.D.) added mathematical details to the original. The
greatest luminary Bhaskaracarya refers to Patigaruta in
Siddhdnta Siromani (1150 A.D.). In his astrological work
Karanakutuhala various terms relating to time occur. Jains did
not lag behind in astronomical and astrological works.
Bhagavati sutra (5th arya) and Utiarddhyayanasutra inform us
that knowledge of sankhyana (arithmetic) and jyotisa are two
of the essential accomplishments of a Jaina saint. These-
subjects formed a part of his training. The most important
sources for Indian weights and measures are the works on
mathematics. Patiganita is the name given to that branch of
Indian mathematics which deals with arithmetic and mensura-
tion. Lalla (8th century A.D.) wrote the work Patiganita .
Mahavlra’s Ganitasdrasangraha is an important treatise on
mathematics. Patiganita of Sridharacarya was written some-
where between 850 A.D. and 950 A.D.

The author of another Patiganita is Anantapala, brother of
Dhanapala (12th century A.D.). Ganitatiiaka or Patiganita of
Sripati is another important mathematical work of 11th
century A.D. Bhaskaracarya’s Lilavati has a table for
measures and weights which was adopted in that work. These
must have been current in his time. Many mathematicians
have exerted themselves in commenting upon Lilavati. It was
even translated into Persian by Fayzi under Akbar. In Takhura
Pheru’s Ganitasdrakaumudi and Dravyapanksd, written in Prak-
rit, it refers to weights, measures and coinage. Besides these,,
there are certain Kannada works on mathematics and astro-
logy. Sridharacarya (1049 A.D.) had composed in Kannada
Jdtakatilaka . Rajaditya (1120 A.D.) was the author of six
works namely (1) Vyavahara ganita (in mixed prose and poetry)
(2) Ksetra ganita (in poetry), (3) Vyavahara ratna , (4) Lilavati
(5) Jaina ganita sutroddharana and (6) Citrahasuge.

In the Gujarati commentary on Ganitasdra of Sndhara,
along with the measures and weights given in the mathema-
tical works, local weights and measures used in day-to-day

INTRODUCTION

5

transactions are also given.

The medical books like Carctka samhita , Suiruta samhita
and Sarangadharci samhita refer to many cubic measures.
Tables regarding linear measurements occur in Samardngana -
sutradhdra , Apardjitaprccha , Viswakarma , Vastusdstram and
Mayamatam, In these works, the different types of angulas and
their usages are explained.

In addition to these, the renowned fragmentary Bak$aJi
manuscript, written in Prakrit on birchbark in the Sarda script,
discovered in 1881 A.D., furnishes interesting data about
weights, measures and currency of ancient India. There are
•other manuscripts regarding astronomy, astrology and mathe-
matics which have not yet been published. These may furnish
many interesting data. There are some scattered references to
weights and measures in the inscriptions also.

The very fact, that falsification of weights and measures was
considered as a cognizable offence by the Dharma£astras,
•clearly indicates the existence of a well-controlled system for
the maintenance of standards relating to weights and measures
in ancient times. In addition to these, the examination of
Dravidian literature and the literature of Bengal also lead to
interesting information, which also is included in this work.

The various literary and epigraphic data relating to
measures and weights in India through different ages and in
different parts are presented in this treatise with a view to
examine the evolution of the concepts relating to measures and
weights and also to see to what extent an undercurrent of
linkage and unity existed in all these in the wide diversity that
was apparent.

2

Linear Measures of Ancient India

QUITE early in history, man took to measuring various things.
Of the various types of measures, the linear measures had
an earlier origin, because man would require to cut sticks of
required sizes, or chop fruits or meat of required lengths, etc.
For such purposes, he could use the parts of his own body as
the standards, for that would measure the length which is-
always a distance between two points. Length could be-
defined by some natural or artificial standards or as multiples
of those standards. A close look at the early linear measure-
ments indicates, that the units of linear measurements used,
were mainly derived from the parts of the human body all
over the world. The finger, the palm or hand-breadth, the foot
and the cubit were the principal measures. These natural
units, eventhough had their limited uses to meet the needs of
the ancient man, suffered from lack of standardized accuracy
required for settling disputes or manufacturing standardized
materials or parts thereof. The variations of human body are
obvious and therefore for standardization at a later stage the
body measurements of some particular person, were consi-
dered as the units of measuring in a particular area, so that
the measurements at least in that area can become more
standardized. Often these standards based upon the measure-
ments of a person (a ruler, or the headman or the deity in the-

LI NEARS MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

7

local temple) were a matter of sentiment, but once accepted
they helped to meet local exigencies and served the limited
purpose for which they were created.

In view of the great variations in the actual values of these
natural measures and also in view of the increasing interest
in precise astronomical and geodetic measurements, as the
civilizations progressed, more precise standardization of the
linear measurements became necessary. Prototype-physical
standards appear to have been devised and placed in temples
or other places, where they could remain secure and be used
as standard references.

The use of standardized measuring rods, scales and reeds
appear to have been in vogue in India and other parts of the
world from very ancient period. The oldest reference to the use
of measuring rod for measuring or surveying a field in ancient
India is seen in Rg Veda. 1 The finding of a slip of measuring
scale made of shell from Mohenjo Daro 2 , an ivory scale from
Lothal 3 , a fragmentary rod at Harappa 4 and another from
Kaiibangan 5 , assert the use of measuring scales in ancient
India. Similarly, graduated scales can be seen from the
Sankereh tablets of Babylon (2500 B.C.) Q and also from the
ruins of the ancient city of Lagash or Lagas. 7 Ezekiel (600
B.C.), who wrote in Babylon, mentions the measuring of the
tabernacle with reeds. 8 The Egyptians attempted to delineate
the property lines, obliterated by the repeated floodings of the
river Nile, through their Nilometer. 9 These clearly indicate
that through ages man had attempted to improve his methods
of measurements.

In this review, the linear measurements in use in ancient
India, are examined and are compared with the corresponding
measures, known to be in use in the corresponding period in
other old civilizations in the world, with a view to compare
the standards of measurements.

In ancient India, though the units were initially based on
natural physical standards, they admitted by general consent .
many practical and imaginary dimensions also.

Moreover at different places, at the same time and at
different periods in the same region, the units appeared tq
vary a great deal. The smallest unit of linear measure was

8

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

considered to be a paramartu (atom). Of the other measures,
trasarenu, vdlagra , liksa, yu\a and yava each succeeding in
eight times the previous one 10 (octonari system) are also
known. E xcept yava, all the other measures seem to be of very
minute analysis, probably of little value for any practical
purpose. Such impractical measures were reported elsewhere
also and continued over a long period. For example the
Babylonians started with the breadth of a line. Abu! Fazl
defines the digit in terms of barley corns and the barley corns
in terms of the hair, from the mane of a Turkish horse. 11

Angula (finger-breadth or digit) can be considered as the
smallest practical linear-measure in ancient India. This is the
basic unit and all other linear-measure units depend on this.
Hence this review is begun with the concepts relating to angula
(or the digit) and its equivalents in different systems. A defmre
standard measure can be considered from angula , which is
the length of the middle finger of an adult man having a height
of at least six feet, i.e. a man of full height. 32 It had a length
of approximately three-fourths of the modern inch (1.9 cnu).

According to Sulva texts, an angula is a unit of measure-
ment equal to 14 grains of anu plant ( Panicum milliaceum)
or 34 sesame seeds 33 , while according to Hindu 14 and Jaina
literature 15 , 64 sesame seeds or 8 yava (barley corn) constitute
an angula . Buddhist literature 16 , however, refer to an angula
of 7 yava or 49 sesame seeds.

Based on these varying equations of length of an angula
with the size of grains and seeds, different systems have
advocated varied equations, as discussed below.

Jaina canons mention three types of angulas ; utsedhdhgula
or sucyangula (needle-like finger), pratarmgula (plane finger)
and ghanangula (solid finger), i.e., the units of linear, area
and solid measure respectively (linear, square and cubic
measure). Sucyangula is linear and single dimensional. The
product of sucyangula by itself, gives pratarangula and this
when again multiplied by sucyangula gives ghanangula.
Tiloyoponnatti ls , refers to a pramanafigula which is equal to
500 sucyangula or vyavahdrdhgula . This seems to be a
measuring rod, or such other device of about 500 angulas
long.

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

9

Mediaeval texts on architecture like Bhoja’s Samarangaiw -
sutradhara 17 and Bhuvanadeva's Apardjitoprchcha 18 mention
three other types of angulas , namely jyestha measuring 8 yavas,
madhyatna measuring 7 yavas and kanistha measuring 6 yavas .
Jyestha was used in measuring cities, villages, lakes, etc.,
madhyatna for measuring temples, palaces, houses, etc., and
kanistha for measuring furniture, carriages implements, etc.
Mdtrdfigula referred to in Viiwakarma VastuSastram and
Mayamatam 19 was the length of the middle parva or mark of
the middle finger or the thumb of the owner or sthapati.
Dchalabddhgula is calculated on the basis of the statue of the
principal deity. 19 In Viswakanna VastuSastram , 3 vrihis (paddy)
are considered as an ahgula 10 . Sukra considers 5 yavas as an
ahgulad 0 Sarangadeva* 0 , the celebrated writer of Sahgitarat-
ndkara , while describing the sticks (danda) on Vina, refers to
angulas of 4J, 5, 5^,7, 8 and 9 yavodaras , indicating that
breadth at the centre of yava was considered as a unit for
measurements. According to him 6 yavas was the settled
standard measure for an ahgula in arithmetical calculations/ 0

As indicated so far, since, there were three types of angulas
equivalent to 6, 7 and 8 yava measures mentioned in vastu-
sastras, efforts were made to find their equivalents in terms
of modern inches and centimeters as shown in Chart J.
6 yavas were found to make 0.769 inches (1.9 ems); 1 yavas
nearly 0.896 inches (2.22 erns) and 8 yavas nearly 1.024
inches (2.55 cms).

The inch (2.5 cms) was originally a thumb-breadth. In the
Roman duodecimal system, it was defined 1/12 of a foot and
was introduced as such into Britain during the Roman occupa-
tion. The finger-breadth or the digit among Egyptians (zebo)
and Hebrews (ezba) was 0.74" (1.87 cms) and among
Greeks it was 0.8" (1.9 cms). The Roman digit was 0.73"
(1.85 cms) and Uncia was 0.97" (2.46 cms) which is closer to
the present inch. 21 In the Arabic law book, Sara Vikdya, it
is stated that each finger breadth was equal to 6 barley corns,
the bellies laid towards each other. 11 It can, therefore, be
surmised, that the units, whether it was angula or digit,
measured somewhat between 0.7" (1.78 cms) to 1" (2.54 cms)
in the ancient period and was consid<er<d as a standard linear

CHART-

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

ir

measure.

The use of three types of angulas in ancient India was-
confirmed by Abul Fazl also in Ain-i-Akbari . He mentions
three types of linear measures of 8, 7 and 6 barley corns
respectively. The longest one was for measuring lands, roads*,
etc., the middle for measuring temples, wells, etc., and the
shortest for furniture, palanquin, etc. 11 Thus he seems to have
followed the mediaeval texts of architects. Based on the'"
angulas many units of measurements were proposed in ancient
India, as described below.

Dhanurgxha mentioned by Kautilya was a unit of four
angular 12 This measure seems to be similar to the four
finger breadth or the palm of Greeks, which was 3" (7.7 eras).
The palm of Jews (tefah), Romans and Egyptians (shep) and
Arabians (qabda) was 2.9 " (97.4 cms). This measure seems*
to be similar to that referred to as musfi of four angulas by
Bhoja. 17

Tala was a measure of five angula according to Bhoja. 17
The distance between the top of the middle finger and the
thumb when fully stretched was a tala according to AI~
beruni. 22

Dhanurmusti of Kautilya was of 8 angulas} 2 Even in the-
11th century, Bhoja refers to a measure iuni 9 which is also of
8 angulas and hence it is likely to be the same as dhanurmusti .

Pada or pada is another important part of the body used:
for linear measure. A foot usually means the length of the
sole, from the heel to the first digit of the toe. It is often,
confused with steps. In practice, it is seen that sometimes
length was measured out both by sole length as well as by
steps and hence it appears to be a variable unit in the past.

Baudhayana mentions a pada of 15 angulas and a ksudra -
pada of 10 angulas. Katyayana refers to a pada of 12 angulas }*
Kautilya refers to a pada of 14 angulas 12 which was accepted
by Bhoja 11 also. &ama, sala and pariraya were the other
names for pada according to Kautilya. The term sala occurs
in Atharvaveda also. 23 This term pada is, however, unknown
to Buddhist literature.

All these writers appear to use the term pada synonymously
with the foot.

12

MENSURATION IN ANCIBNT INDIA

When the land survey was undertaken by Kulottunga
Cola I, his foot measurement was taken as a unit (Sripada)-*.
This might be the Royal standard. Here, there is a doubt as
to whether feripada represented the foot or the step. It is more
likely to be a step, rather than the foot as in the case of the
Roman concept of a mile.

Pada also means a quarter. The four-footed animals are
termed catuspdda. In poetry 1 /4th part of a given verse is
called a pada .

In astrology also the stars and the houses are divided into
four pcidas. A quadrant of a circle is termed pada. Hence this
term pada can also be interpreted as one-fourth of a bigger unit
as seen in the Jaina literature 16 and Puranas. 14 They consider
6 angulas as a pada. This obviously is one-fourth of a hasta
of 24 angulas .

The term pada appears to have been used for the square
measure also. Avarta means enclosed or surrounded. Hence
paddvarta mentioned in the Maitraka inscriptions 25 may be
referring to an area or square land measured by so many pcidas
on adjascent sides. It may also refer to one-fourth of a bigger
unit, perhaps a cubit or a danda or a rajju as the measure. In
vastu, pada means a square of suitable size. Its dimensions
are variable.

The foot of the Greeks, Romans and Jews was calculated
from the basis of 16 times the digit. As the length of the
•digit varied, so the length of the foot also varied. The Greek
foot was 12.16" (30.9 ems); the Roman (Pes) 11.64" (29.5 ems),
the royal Egyptian 13.95" (35 ems) and royal Babylonian
13.9" (35 ems). The foot measure used in mediaeval England
was 13.2" (33.32 ems). The chih of China varies from 1 1"
(27.9 ems) to 15.8" (40.2 ems). 21

Till recently in certain areas in North Arcot district in
South India, the length of the foot of the Goddess of the
temple of Kampulapaliyam near Narayanavanam, which is
approximately 10.25" (26 ems), was taken into consideration as
the standard measurement of the country foot 26 in that area.

These clearly indicate, that the foot (pada) was one of the
earliest linear units, probably starting first with the length of
the average human foot and later the length of the specific

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

13

foot. (King or headman or deity).

Gdkarna was another linear measure of 11 angulas accord-
ing to the Samarangana sutradhara . 17 Etymologically it means
cow’s ear and it is equated to the distance between the tip of
the anamika or ring finger and the thumb, both being stretched
out according to Al-beruni. 22

Vitasti or Vidathi (Pali) was known to Brahminical 14 , Jaina 15
and Buddhist 16 literature. It is the distance between the tip of
the thumb and the small finger at the widest possible stretching
or in other words the span. It also depicts the distance from
the wrist to the tip of the middle finger, when stretched. It is
13 angulas according to Sulva texts 13 and 12 angulas according
to Kautilya 12 , Jaina 15 and Buddhist 16 texts.

Panini mentions a disfi also along with vitasti} 1 The word
dithi occurs in Karosti manuscripts from Central Asia, corres-
ponding to the Iranian distay, equivalent to a span. 28 In the
Samarangana sutradhara, a vitasti was of 12 angulas and disfi
was of 7 angulas} 1 The span of ancient Jews (Zeret) was 8.8"
(22.5 cms), the Greeks 9.1" (23.1 cms) and the Assyrians 10.8"
(27.4 cms). Vitsati as used in Persia was 10.7" (27.2 cms). The
scales of Gudea maintain a 10.44" (26.4 cms) measure. 7

Pradesa is another span measure which according to 5ulva
sutras 14 was of 12 angulas, while according to Bhoja 17 it was
9 angulas.

Hasta , the popular hand measure, is the cubit of 24 angulas.
It is in colloquial use even today as 'hath’ in North India and
‘ mulam * in Dravidian speaking areas. The Sulva sutras 13 ,
Puranas 14 , Jaina literature 15 , Arthasastra 12 , treatises on archi-
tecture like Mayamatam 10 and Samarangana sutradhara 11 refer
to a hasta of 24 angulas (192 yavas). In Lalitavistara 16 also a
hasta constituted 24 angulas . It may be noted here, that since
7 yavas were equal to an ahgula in Lalitavistara , hasta was of
168 yavas according to that work.

Architectural works, in addition to the hasta of 24 angulas
refer to three other types of hastas also. For measuring nmdna
a hasta of 25 angulas . termed as prdjapatya hasta , and for
building (v£stu), a dhanurmusti hasta of 26 angulas were used.
For measuring villages, dhanurgrha hasta of 27 angulas was
advised. It is interesting to note that till recently the timber

14

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

in the forests was measured with bigger cubit, which is a cubit
plus four angulas. All the same 24 afigula-hasta could have
been used for these things also.

It seems that these variations might have been helpful in
measuring objects of widely different lengths. Longer units would
help in measuring larger area in fewer repetitions, while the
smaller measures would help where more accuracy was needed.

Kautilya’s prdjapatya hasta or aratni was of 2 4 angulas. For
measuring balances, cubic measures and pasture lands, a hasta
of 28 angulas was prescribed by Kautilya. A hasta measuring
54 angulas for measuring timber forests was also advised by
Kautilya.

If Kautilya’s ahgula is considered as three-fourths of an
inch, 24, 28 and 54 angulas will be equal to the modern 18", 21"
and 40.5" (15.7, 53.34 and 102.87 cms). Concepts relating to
hasta had changed during different periods, as could be seen
from Junagadh inscriptions. In the Junagadh inscription of
Rudradaman issued in the year 72 (151 B.C.— 52 A. D.), the
repairs to the breach made in the Sitdarsana lake was recorded
in terms of hastas. As indicated in Aparajitapjrchcha , for larger
measurements referred to in Rudradaman’s inscription, the unit
of hasta was equal to eight angulas 29 and when Skandagupta
repaired the tank, the unit of hasta indicated by him was
.almost treble to that of Rudradaman. 30

Different types of cubits were in vogue in other places also.
Ezekiel (6C0 B.C.), who wrote in Babylon, mentioned that the
courts and open spaces around the temple were measured, by
a reed of 6 cubits, each of which was a palm breadth longer
than the cubits of the measuring line. 9

In Some inscriptions, it is definitely stated that the hasta of
the king was used for measuring land. In the Vaillabhatta-
sw&min temple inscription 81 , a piece of land was measured on
the basis of the hasta of the king ( Parameswariya hasta). The
land referred to in this inscription covered a flower garden
measuring 270 hastas in length and 187 hastas in breadth.

, Sivacandra hasta refers to the forearm of King Sivacandra 32
and the term Darvlkarma hasta (the forearm of Darvikarma)
occurs in the inscriptions from Bengal. 82

The cubit of 24 fingers, which is the old Arabic cubit, was
-variously called the common, post, hand, or legal cubit (dhira,

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

15

amma, barid, yad and shari ) 10 . The cubit relating to the
pyramids however was 20.6" (51.6 cms).

The Jewish civil cubit of five palms or 20 finger-breadth was
18.25" (46.25 cms). The Jewish sacred cibit of six palms, the
Royal Babylonian, the Arabian, the Russian and the Chinese
cubit of 24 fingers were 19.5" (49.7 cms), while the Nilometer
cubit measured 20.76" (52.5 cms) and the Roman cubit was
17,4" (44.1 cms). The Arabian royal cubit ( dhira malilc ) of 28
fingers or 7 palm breadth was also known and it measured
21.22" to 21.26" (53.85 to 53.89 cms). 21

According to $ara Vikaya, an Arabic law book, the Zira
was of 24 fingers and each finger measured 6 barley corns. 11

Aratni which is equal to 24 angulas appear to be synony-
mous with hasta and cubit, since it is also the portion of the
hand from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger. This
length of 24 angulas is accepted by Sulva sutras 13 , Arthasastra 13
Brhatsamihita u , Buddhist 16 and Jaina literature' 5 . CJtpala,
however, takes it to be a smaller cubit with the fist-closed. 34
21 angulas were considered as ratni and 24 angulas as aratni
in the Samarangana sutradhara . 17 Thus majority of the litera-
ture confirm the fact of aratni to be a cubit. It may be
noted here that arasni in Persia was 21.4" (54.35 cms).

The present day cubit is one-half of the British yard and
hence an ordinary hasta or aratni of 24 angulas can be safely
ascertained as half a yard.

Gaz was also a type of measuring standard. Abul Fazl
records seven types of gaz. Gaz-i-sauda ( Gaz of traffic)
consisted of 24 digits plus 2/3 of a digit. This measure,
according to him was the length of the hand of an Abyssinian
slave of Harun-Al-Rashid and was equal to the cubit of the
Nilometer. He also has referred to different types of gaz,
hdving 24, 25, 28, 29, 31 and 70 digits. The last one was used
for measuring rivers and plains. 11 During the time of Moghuls,
several types of gaz were in vogue. Sikandar Lodi’s gaz was
39 digits or 4l£ Sikandaris (30.09", 72.2 cms). Humayun’s gaz
was 39 angusts or digits, Akbar’s Ilahi gaz was 41 digits
(31.00" or 8l.3 cms) and Shah Jehan’s 40 digits. 35 The Ilahi
gaz at Agra during 17th century A.D., was 33" (83.8 cms). Id
the east coast during 17th century A.D., the hasta or covad w as

16

MHNSUR.VUQN IN ANCIENT INDIA

about 18" (45.7 eras) and in Gujarat 27" (68.5 cms) according
to the Portuguese records. 36

Prakrama of the Baudhayana Sulvasiitra and the Satapatha
Brahmana was equal to two pddas (30 angular) and might be
even 3 pddas according to Apstambha 13 . Prakrama literally
means a stride and is very rare in literature and epigraphical
records. It may be noted here that the Roman step was 29"
(73.6 cms) and the Greek 30.4" (77.2 cms).

Janu, which literally means knee, is mentioned in Sulva
siitras as a measure of 32 angulas , 3 '

Damja , which literally means a rod, was considered to be of
4 hastas or 96 angulas , Dhanus, musala , ndlika and aksa were
its other names according to Jaina literature. 15 Kaufilya
mentions three types of dandas , first measuring 96 angulas , the
second measuring 108 angulas used by builders for measuring
roads and fort walls and a third danda of 192 angulas used
in measuring such lands which are gifted to Brahmanas. 12

Jaina’ 5 and Buddhist literature 16 stick to 96 angulas as a
danda. Varahamilvra was on safer side in mentioning a dhanus
as of 4 hastas and a danda between 4 to 5 hastas , 34 Though
danda was not mentioned in the Abhidhdnappadfpika , yasti of
84 angulas was mentioned, which might be closer to a dantfa. u
Ak$a having T"4 angulas mentioned by Patanjali 37 and Sulva
sutra xz may also be a measurement rod.

Yuga of the Sulva siitra was 86 angulas and vyayama 96
angulas 13 Samar an gana sutradhara refer to a danda of 106
angulas 17 also.

The Kannada gale, Telugu kola and Tamil kol are the
counterparts for danda in the respective regions.

Bherunda gale™, Parvara gale™, Ovantaramalla gale,™
Benkalva gale (13 span) 41 , Bhuguda gale (18 span), Tambla
gale (rod of Tamil country) 42 , Dhanavinoda gale (25 span)’ 4
and Agradimba gale 45 were the various measuring rods, stated
in the Kannada inscriptions. Srtpddakkol (the rod of the
king’s foot with reference to Kulottunga I ) 46 and Maligaikkol
(the rod of the palace) 47 and kadigaikulattukkol 48 were men**
tiorted in the Cola records. The varying length of the rods
is given in the records as 4, 12, 13, 16 or 18 spans, 36 or 48
steps and 12, 14, 16 or 20 feet. There are also references to

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

17

measuring rods 24, 32 or 34 feet long.

Different types of kolas of varying length were also found
in Telugu inscriptions. They are rendu jenala kola (2 spans) 50
20 jenala kola (20 spans) 61 , 22 jenala kola (22 spans) 52 , muppai
rendu jeriala kola (32 spans) 63 (muppai means 30 and jena or
span is about 7 inches). Adugu in Telugu means foot and
hence the term 30 adugula kola may mean the pole having 30
foot length. Mura is a Telugu measure corresponding to a
cubit.

In the Kannada records, the terms Pattyamattavura danda
(the measuring rod of the village of Pattyamattavura) 6 ® and
Edenada danda (the measuring rod of Edenada country) 57 also
occur showing the regional variations.

Sometimes the gift of lands is reported to have been
measured with Rajamanadanda, which might be the royal
standard or the length of the rod assigned by the Government
concerned. Raja danda. of Visvakarma Vastusastram was double
the size of ordinary danda of 96 ahgulas , 19

Though the danda is a linear measure, when used in the
epigraphical records, it might perhaps also mean square
dandas, that is, a number of dandas each way.

The pole of the ancient Greeks was of 100 fingers measur-
ing 6.3' (1.93 metres) and their fathom of 96 fingers measured
6.T (1.85 metres). The Roman pole was 9.7' (2.957 metres).
The danda of ancient India also varied from 6' to 10' (1.83 to
3.04 metres). Moreover the danda in the inscriptions refer to
the measuring rod of varying lengths at different periods. But
the mathematical works generally agree to 95 ahgulas for a
danda which falls between 6' to 8' (1.83 to 2.44 metres) varying
with ahgulas measure. >

Abul Fazl equates the pole (bea) of the Arabs to four gaz
(96 digits) which is the same as the Indian danda A 1

Vamia mentioned by Vasi§tha 59 and Bhaskaracarya 60 was
of 10 hastas or 240 ahgulas. The term vamsa literally stands
for bamboo. According to the Gujarati commentary on
Sridhara’s Pafiganita, vamsa was equal to 3 dandas or 312
ahgulas. a

Kifku or kamsa was two vitastis plus one dhanurmutfi or
32 ahgulas according to Kautilya. 12 It was a measure employed

18

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

for measuring forts and palaces. Kautilya mentions a kisku
of 42 angulas also, for measuring the ground for the encamp-
ment of the army, forts and palaces. Mahavira also mentions
a kisku of 42 angulas for measuring wood. 61

The term kisku is used in Aranyakaparva of Mahabharata*' 1
Kisku, rikku and kuchcln of Jaina literature are of 48 angulas. 15
According to Puranas 14 and the Samarangana sutradhara 11 , it is
a measure of 42 angulas. Childers equates kikku of the
Buddhist literature with basta , but phonetically it could be
identified with kisku. Kisku and vitasti are synonymous accor-
ding to Al-beruni. 22

Baku apparently meaning an arm, was 36 angulas according
to Baudhayana. 13 Kautilya’s bahu did not seem to have any
connection with this, since he specified bahu as the distance of
3 rajjus plus 2 dandas on each side (128 dandas in circum-
ference). 12 Bahu was also termed as a samya according to
Baudhayana and samya of Apastambha also measures 36
angulas. 1 * According to Mayamatam, ratni, aratni, hasta, bhuja
and bahu are synonymous. 19

Yasti or yatthi (Pali) occurs in the sense of a staff in
Buddhist literature measuring 7 raianas or 84 angulas. 1 * In the
Satapatha Brahmana the term venu yasti occurs, meaning a
bamboo staff. 14 Yasti or dhanurdanda is of 96 angulas accord-
ding to Mayamatam , 19 Till recently yasti is 28 X 28 sq. cubits
or 1/336 of a hala in Sylhet. 83 This indicates that on linear
scale yasfi might be equated to 28 cubits. It has also been
suggested that a yasti might be 2 vi fastis. Yasti occurs only in
the Sena land grants. 64

XJsabha which frequently occurs in Jatakas was considered
as 20 yasti or l/8th of a goruta . 65

Vyama according to Sulvasutra 13 and the Satapatha
Brahmana 14 was 120 angulas. It is the height of a purusa,
with his arms stretched up. According to Kautilya a vyama,
was 84 angulas and used for measuring ropes and for digging. 18
ASvalayana prescribes vyama for measuring the dimension of a
ground, where a deceased person is to be cremated. 66 Vyama
was stated as 84 angulas by Bhoja. 17

Vyayama was 96 angulas, according to Baudhayana. 13 It
was the space between the two tips of the middle fingers of a

UNBAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

19

man with outstretched hands, while standing. The term vama
in Gujarati stands for the measure vyayama. In Thailand it is
termed as vn. 67

The distance, known as mar, in Tamil speaking areas and
baralu in Telugu are of 72" (1.8 metres). These relate to the
extent of tip to tip of the extended hands of a man. An
inscription from Candaluru, refers to a gift of land measured
with a pole of 12 baralu . 6S If Baudhayana’s ahgula was taken
as 3/4" inch, then vySyama would be synonymous with mar and
baralu.

Yuga measuring 86 angulas occurs in Sulva texts 13 . Accord-
ing to Jaina literature 13 and Bhoja 17 , yuga is synonymous
with a danda of 96 angulas. Probably it is four times the
limits of a measure, perhaps hasta, if Nighantu is consi-
dered.

Isa measuring 88 angulas is another linear measure occur-
ring in Sulva texts only- 13

Aksa is the other name for danda of 96 angulas according to
Jaina literature. 13 But the Sulva texts mention an aksa of 104
angulas. 15 Patanjali also refers to this measure. 37

Purusa or man’s length was 120 angulas according to
vBaudhayana and Apastamba. 13 They probably use the term
purusa as synonymous with vyayama. Kautilya mentions a
purusa measure of 107 angulas, which was used in building
sacrificial altars and also mentions another purusa measure,
equal to a danda of 96 angulas. 1 - According to Varahamihira,
a normal man measures 96 angulas (4 hastas), low man
measures 84 angulas (31 hastas) and finest man 108 angulas 51
(4| hastas). This seem to refer to a standardized unit and not
that of the individual. According to Bhoja also vyama of 84
angulas was synonymous with purusa. 11 Thus the measures
purusa and vyama appear to have been used loosely, both to
mean a particular unit by some, while others used it for the
heights of a man with hands stretched up, approximately
measuring between 1.5 metres to 2 metres. The longest measure
mentioned in the Sulva texts and Brahmana literature was
purusa. Since the main aim in these literatures was building fire
altars, the measurement bigger than a purusa was probably
not necessary.

20

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Plate I

Linear Measures in Ancient India in Relation to the
Parts of the Body

f WOULAS f GOKAQNA Qu\ri6UlAS) ]

Tala (5 ANGULAR ' ppADESA(l2AN0)

APATNI (24AN6.) PABA(I5ANG) PRAHR ^ A A ~j G y

VYAYAMA(4APATNI= 964 WG)

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

21

AH these above measurements are in relation to the parts
of the human body (see plate 1).

Nalika . nala , nalu, naif , nadi , nciluka and /za/va are terms
regarding other linear measures, occurring in inscriptions and
in literature.

In the Jaina literature 15 and the Arthasastra 12 the nalika
stands for a danda of 96 angulas . In the Adityapurdna 69 , 30
dhanus of 96 angulas was a / 70 /va. JVa/z was equal to dhanus.
In the Mdrkandeyapurdna } u the term nddika measures 48
4 angulas . JVad/ measures 96 angulas and nalva measures 30
dhanus of 106 angulas in Samarangana sutradhara . 17 Al-beruni
has stated 40 dhanus of 96 angulas as nalva which was
l/25th of a kro$a 22 Nala appears in Pahcatantra 68 and in
Bhagavata in the sense of a reed. 70 Thus, naji , nalika and nddi
•can be said to measure 96 angulas while nddika 48 angulas and
nalva 40 or 30 dandas.

Generally, nala in Sanskrit means a measure, rod or danda .
The length varies in different places according to local customs
and usages. In the Sankareh tablets, six types of reeds viz.
small, medium, large, double small, double medium and
double large reed measures were used in Babylon. 7 The ancient
Greek measure Xylon , meaning a walking staff was of 3 cubits
or 4.6 ft. (1.39 meters).

The term nala is used in the records of Guptas, Palas and
Senas in the sense of danda. This term mostly occurs, in the
inscriptions in the Eastern India, and rarely in Western and
Northern India and is absent in South. During the time of
♦Guptas, it looks as if the actual measurements were done by
nalas mainly. In some of the copper plates, the nala is quali-
fied by the figure 8 and 9 ( asfaka navaka naldbhyam ; astaka
navaka nalena ). In the Paharpur copper plates dated Gupta
year 159 (479 A. D.) the m/u was qualified by the figure 6x6
\satka nalairapavincya ). 71 However, from the copper plates
of the time of Kumaragupta (5th century A.D.) 72 to those of the
time of Vijayasena (the Barrackpur copper plates — 12th century
A.D.) the nala measuring 8x9 was the common measure. 33
Nalas were also associated with the names of certain persons
or plates. The term Vrsabha Sankara nala occurs in the
Naihati copper plate of Yallalasena (12th century A.D.) 73 and

22

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

' Anulia plate 74 and Saktipur plate 75 of Laksmapasena (12tb
century A.D.) Vrsabha Sankara was the biruda of Vijayasena.
Samatafiya nala, was evidently the measuring standard used
in the Samatata country or South East Bengal and- also
in the Khadi visaya of Pundravardhana-bhukti (North
Bengal). 32 A nala current in Varendri ( ratraya desiya samvya-
vahara nalena) occurs in Tarpandigi plate of Laksmanasena. 76

In the Govindapur copper plate of Laksmanasena measure-
ment of 56 cubits, prevalent in that region was mentioned
( satpancasata hasta parimita nalena) In the Sunderban
copper plate of Laksmanasena, a standard of 22 cubits
( dwatrimsatihastena parimita) was used. 78 These show, that
local standards differed from place to place.

Moreover, the nalas appear to have been measured in
different hastas. The hasta of &ivacandra was used in the
Faridpur copper plate of Dharmaditya (during Gopacandra’s
regnal year 18). 32 In the Baigram copper plate (448 A.D.) and
in the Barrackpur grant of Vijayasena, the term Darvlkarma
hasta measuring 8x9 nalas occur. 83 Darvlkarma may perhaps
be a personal name or a common term for an employee in
charge of demarcation. In the Kahla (Lucknow museum)
plates of Kalachuri king Maharajadhiraja Sodhadeva, successor
of Maharajadhiraja Maryadasagaradeva (V.S. 1135), several
land grants were made in terms of the measure naiad 9 Since
a land measuring 3/4 nalu was also given as a grant, it must
be a fairly big unit representing a large area.

In two records of Govindacandra and his mother Ralhana-
devi (1189 A.D.) from Pali, the term naluka occurs. The
former records 10 nalukas and the latter 20 nalukas. 80

Chebrolu inscription of Jaya (S.S. 1157) refers to 6 na
which is translated by Kielhom as nalvamu or furlong. 81

In the Gagaha plate of Govindacandra (V.S. 1199) of
Kanauj, Maharajaputra Rajyapaladeva gifted certain lands
measuring in nalu and pahca. 82

Till recently in Sylhet, nala refers to a linear measure of 7
cubits. Naha is considered as of 100, 120 or 400 cubits by
different authors. The Vaijayanti refers to a nalika, nalvika y
and nala measuring 5£, 8, 9 or 400 hastas. 83

Rajju which literally means a rope, was used for land

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

23

surveying. Rajjuka and Rajjugakaha-amachcha were the land
surveyors according to the Jatakas and inscriptions of Asoka
and those of Satavahanas. In the Prakrit Sanchi Stupa
inscription (no. 23 C) the donor was Rajjuka Uttara. 85 In the
Malavalli Pillar inscription of the Raja Hariputra Visnu-kada
Cutukulananda Satakarni, an order concerning a gift of land to
an officer Rajjuka Mahattara is mentioned. 80

Rajjii of Kautilya was of 10 dandas , while that of Srlpati 87
was of 20 dandas. If Kautilya’s daruja of 196 ahgulas is taken
into account, then both will indicate the same measure.
According to Mayamatam , it was 8 dandas of 192 angulas
The word pdm, occuring in the Royal Asiatic Society’s copper
plate grant of Bhima II of Gujarat may be synonymous with
rajju . 88 A feudatory Mahipala was said to have given 340
pdsas in a village Bhukarada, producing four khandas of
grain.

Measuring by hempen rope was mentioned by Abul FazL
Ancient Greeks measured the distance by a cable of 60 Greek
feet (61 British feet or 18.5 metres). Just like the inch tape
or centimetre tape or the modern measuring chains, measuring
by a particular rope, must have been common in many
areas. Measuring by rope is convenient, when the sides of a
particular land is not in straight lines, as in the case of
ponds.

In the Tamil speaking areas, the rope measuring 32 yds
(29.25 meters) was in vogue till recently. The British chain,,
better known as Guilder’s chain, is 66 ft or l/10th of a furlong
(26,11 metres). Ten sq. chain is an acre.

Krosa and Gavyuti: Unlike the previous measures, these
represent long distances. The word krosa literally means a cry,
shriek or yell. The word gavyuti or goruta (Gauta — Pali)
applies to the distance upto which the bellowing of the cow
can be heard. Kiosses in Siberia also has the same meaning.
The distance, represented by kiosses however, varies from place
to place. 89 The Tamil word kuppidudooram, refers to the
distance from which a shout can be heard. Krosa and goruta ,
occur mainly in literature and hardly in inscriptions. There
seems to be different types of krosas. Kautilya mentions a
krosa equal to 100 dhanus or 1/4 of a yojana. n Magadha

24

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

krosa mentioned by Bhoja was 1/8 of a yojana or 1000
danclas . 17 Sukra quoting from Manu refers to a krofa of 4000
hasta or 1000 dandas 20a . On the other hand in the Mar -
kan4eyapuram u , Jaina literature 15 and in the mathematical
works of Bhaskara 60 * Mahavlra 80 and Sridhara 61 , references
to a krosa of 2000 dandas are given.

In Asoka’s 7th pillar edict, it is stated that he laid out
camping grounds, provided with wells and rest houses, along
the high roads at intervals of $ kro£as n .

A peep into Strabo’s account, vaguely helps to deduce the
distance represented by a kro&a. “They (i.e, Agromoni)
construct roads and set up a pillar at every 10 stadia.” 91 Greek
and Roman stade was 604 ft (185 meters) and the stadion
of Hebrews 558 ft (160 meters). Anyone of these multiplied
by 10 might be the Magadha krosa , which is closer to the
modern mile.

Sukra refers to a krosa of 500 dandas quoting from
Prajapati. A krosa of 250 dandas is also mentioned by him.
The Villages were measured by a krosa of 500 daydas according
to the Mayamatam. Dr R.N. Mehta comes to the conclusion
from his excavations at Vadanagar that a krosa is approxima-
tely a kilometre. Perhaps the hasta of 8 ahgulas as indicated
in the Aparajitapxchcha or the ahgulas equalling to 3 vrthis as
mentioned in the Viswakarma Vastusastram might have been
taken into account.

Al-beruni also compared krosa to a mile. 22 According to
Abul Fazl the kos or kuroh of Gujarat was 50 jaribs and it
was the greatest distance, at which the bellowing of the cows
can be heard. Some of his' statements, however, are not
corroborated by any other writer.

The Moghul kings established a different kuroh or kos.
Sherkhan fixed the kos at 60 jaribs. Each jaribs contained 60
Sikandari gaz. Each Sikandari gaz was equal to 41£ Sikandaris ,
which was equal to 30" (76.2 cuts). Therefore, the kos
comes to 1.7 miles (2.75 km) according to modern calculations*
Akbar recognised a kos of 5000 Ilahi gaz with the value of one
Hahi gaz being 41 digit . Jehangir ordered Serais to be built at
every 8 kos between Lahore and Agra. The distances between
these Serais varied from 9 to 13 miles. According to this, Kos

LINEAR MEASURES OE ANCIENT INDIA

25

in the period of Jehangir, varied from 1.1 mile (1.77 km) to 1.7
miles (2.75 km) 94 . Shah Jehan fixed the kos as 5000 Zira-i-
padshahi, each Zira measuring 42 angulas.

Some writers have stated that 2000 or 1000 dhanus make
one gavyuti or goruta. This tends to suggest that gavyuti and
krosa are synonymous. But in Markandeyapurana 4 kro§as are
considered to be a gavyuti and 8 krosas as a yojana? 6

Hieun Tsang describes a yojana as equal to 8 krosas of 500
dhanus. 96 But generally either 4 krosa or 4 gavyuti is considered
as a yojana.

An old Turkish verse equates kos or kuroh with mil which
was 400 paces (a pace =324 yavas.

Dr Cunningham 94 , adopting the value of liasta as 25 angulas
has come to the following conclusion:

4 hastas or 100 angulas— 6.052' =1 dhanus
400 hastas or 100 dhanus =605.2'= 1 nalva

4000 hastas=100 nalva =6052' =1 krosa

This is closer to the 10 stadias mentioned by Megasthenes.
The kos of Gangetic provinces, appears to be about 2\ miles
(3.35 km) in length, while in Punjab it is 1£. miles (2.25 km)
and in Bundelkhand and Mysore it is 4 miles (6.44 km). The
Tamil kadam is equated with gavyuti in the lexicons. However,
it is doubtful, since a kadam is generally considered to be equal
to 10 miles (16.09 km).

Yojana is the most controversial linear measure, with the
least unanimity among the scholars. It has been referred to in
Ramayaita 9B , stating the distance of the sea, which Hanuman
crossed to be of 100 yojanas. The ancient Tamil work Mani-
mtkalai refers to a distance of 400 yojanas. 91 These indicate
yojana as a big stretch of length representing several miles.

There appears to be two diiferent types of yojana according
to the ancient Indian literature. One of 4000 dandas and the
other of 8000 dandas. According to the Arthasastra 13 , the
Lalitavistdra ls , the Ganitasdra of Srldhara 81 and the Apara-
jitapr chcha 16 , 4000 dhanus were equal to a yojana, whereas
Brahmagupta 9S , Iryabhata ", Jaina canonical literature 18 ,

Mahavlracarya 90 , Bhaskara 80 and Srlpati 87 assert, that a
yojana is equal to 8000 dhanus. The Vaijayanti ' refers to a

26

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Kosala yojana of 4 gavyuti and Magadha yojana which is half
the size of the former. 83

According to Kautilya 12 , a yojana was of 4000 dhanus. If*
however, Bhattas warn in’s interpretation of it is considered, it
must be exactly double of that. Further, the controversy arises
as to which type of dhanus , Kautilya has taken into account.
Kautilya has mentioned a genera] dhanus of 96 ahgulas ,
gdrhapatya dhanus of 1 08 ahgulas and Brahmadeya dhanus of
192 angulas . If ahgula is considered as an inch (8 yava was an
ahgnla according to Kautilya) then the different yojanas would
be 6.06 (9 km), 6.63 (10.62 km) and 12.12 (19.5 km) miles. If
ahgula is considered as §", then these would be 4.54
(7.3 km), 5.1 (8.2 km) and 9.09 (14.5 km) miles. Since yojana
generally refers to a distance and not length of lands, the
general dhanus is more relevant. Jaina canons 15 , Puranas 14 ,
Mahaviracarya 90 , Sridhara 61 and Bhaskara 60 , refer to yojana
of 8000 dhanus (768,000 ahgulas). And hence, it would be
12.21 miles (19.5 km) if the ahgula was considered as an
inch and 9.09 miles (14.5 km) if the ahgula was considered
as

Kannada writer Rajaditya, in his Vyamharaganita con-
sidered 800 dandas (76800 ahgulas ) as a yojana and hence it
might be 1.21 miles (1.93 km) or 0.9 miles (1.09 km). 101

According to Bhuvanadeva, though 8000 dandas is a yojana*
a danda measured only 32 ahgulas? 8 Hence the yojana accor-
ding to him would be approximately 3 miles (4.83 km). 29

In stating the distances of one place from another, the
Chinese travellers Fa-Hien and Hieun Tsang have expressed
them m yojanas . The latter has also stated them in li measures.
Fa-Hien has stated the distances in yojanas in full numbers and
never in fractions, while Hieun-Tsang expressed them in round
figures of 10, as 500 //or 600 //. Moreover, the distances
mentioned by them from one place to another failed to
indicate, whether it was from periphery to periphery or from
the official centre, as in the present day. 101

Hieun Tsang has mentioned that a yojana is a day’s march
for a royal army; there were three types of yojanas ; one of 16
li found in the sacred writings of Buddha, 30 li which was
common reckoning in India and 40 li according to the old

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT I>DIA

27

Chinese records. 8000 dandas comprise a yojana according to
him. 101

The army’s march, as staled by KautiJya, differ from Hieun-
Tsang’s description. The lowest quality army, according to
KautiJya, can march a yojana [5-5/44 mile^ (8.2 km) according,
to Shamasastry] a day, that of the middle quality one and a
half yojana and the best quality two yojanas. 102

The nciligai vali , i.e. the distance covered in a nciligai
(24 minutes), is miles (2,59 km) in Southern districts.
This is roughly the distance covered by infantry in present
time. If the army moves for eight hours, taking this nciligai
vajj as the standard (f|- x f X 8), the distance covered in a day
will be 26| miles (42.91 km). Hence, the yojana mentioned
by KautiJya might be between 12 to 13 miles (19.31 to
20.92 km).

From one of the accounts of Hieun Tsang it is clear that
a yojana is equal to 16 //. The account is as follows. When
on a visit to Rajagrha, Anathapindika, a merchant of Sravasti,
became a Buddhist and invited Buddha to visit Sravasti. The
distance from Rajagrha to Sravasti was forty-five yojanas .
Buddha set out to reach the city by sixteen li a day and he
took forty-five days in travelling from Rajagrha to J§ravasti. 103

Many scholars give different values to the yojana of the
Chinese traveller. General Cunningham has asserted the
yojana of Hieun Tsang to be as 6.75 miles (10.86 km)
and that of Fa-Hien as 6.71 miles (10.79 km). V.A. Smith con-
sidered a yojana of Hieun Tsang as 6.5 miles (10.5 km) and of
Fa-Hien as 7.25 miles (11.67 km). M. Julien and probably
Dr Stein referred the yojana of Hieun Tsang as 8 miles
(12.87 km) and M. Giles was of the opinion that a yojana of
Fa-Hien was between 5 (8.05 km) to 9 miles (14.48 km) while
Rhys Davids took its distance as about 9 miles (14.48 km)
and Childers (7.29 km) to 9 miles (14.48 km). 151

Fleet considered that there were three types of yojanas ;
general yojana of 9.09 miles (14.58 km), Magadha yojana of
4.54 miles (7.3 km) and the third yojana of 12.12 miles
(19.5 km). The last one, he interpreted from the root ‘yuj’ to
yoke and hence it is said to represent the distance which a pair
of bullocks could draw a fully laden cart in a day. According

28

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

to his interpretation 12.12 miles (19.5 km) were equal to 100
Ji of Hieun Tsang. Major Vost, after a detailed analysis, inter-
preted the three yojanas of Fleet as 5.3 (9.03 km), 30.6
<17.85 km) and 14.2 (22.85 km) miles respectively. He deduced
the yojana of Fa-Hien and Hieun Tsang as 7.05 (1 1 .3 km and
5.3 (9.03 km) miles respectively. 95

Several modern scholars have tried to infer the distance
measuied by the yojana , from astronomical facts provided by
our early writers. In the Aryabhafiyam , the diameter of the
earth and moon were given as 1050 and 315 yojana respec-
tively. In the Brahmasphutasiddhanta (628 A.D.) 104 and
Si ddhantasir omani (1150 A.D.), it is rendered as 1581 and
480 yojanas respectively. 3 ” 4 The yojana of Aryabhafiyam 79
was taken as equal to 1\ miles (12.07 km) and the yojana of
Brahmasphutasiddhanta 104 was considered as 5 miles (8.05 km).
'So the diameter of earth and moon according to Aryabhata
would be 7875 miles (11700.95 km) and 2362J miles
<3803.62 km) and according to Brahmagupta they would be
7905 (12727 km) and 2400 miles (3864 km) respectively. It
may be interesting to note that the actual equatorial diameter
of earth is 7927 miles (12762.47 km) and polar diameter is
7900 miles (12619 km) and the diameter of the moon is 2162
miles (3480.8 km). This closeness of the data, however, may
he due to eagerness of the scholars to prove that the ancient
astronomical works have given the accurate data. If we really
take into consideration the equation of Aryabhata in relation
to ahgula and yojana ,* then one can note considerable disparity
as can be seen from the following details.

Aryabhata in DaSagltikasutra of Arydbhatiyam has stated
the diameter of earth and moon as 1050 and 315 yojanas 90
respectively. He has also stated that a yojana was of 8000
jyurusas (96 ahgula for purusa pramana ). When calculated
on this basis, according to him the diameter of earth and
moon will be 9535.4 miles (15352 km) and 2863.3 miles
<9609.43 km) respectively. 108

Bhaskara’s calculations widen the error still further. Since
JBhaskara himself has stated in Lildvati , that 8000 dandas or
768,000 ahgulas were a yojana™, the yojana can be calculated
on the basis of 12.12 miles (19.5 km) or 9.09 miles (14.58 km)

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA 29

depending on whether his angula is equal to 1" or 3/4" respec-
tively. The calculations shown in the Appendix I indicates to
a certain extent, the length of the yojana as considered by
different authors, in terms of miles and kilometres. It
appears to vary between 1 mile (1.56 km) to 13£ miles (21 km)
according to different writers.

As has already been stated, considering an angula as equal
to be 1", the yojana of Kautilya comes to 6.06 miles (9.7 km)
and that of the others to 12.12 miles (19.5 km). According to
Baksali manuscript which refers to an angula as 6 yavov 105,
(3/4"), the yojana measures 9.09 miles (14.58 km). Taking
into consideration, the yoking distance and the army’s march,
yojana of 12.12 (19.5 km) seems to be more plausible.

Measuring by yoking distance is still common in certain
places in India. Kurgi in Marathi speaking areas is a land
measure, which is the distance that may be ploughed and sown
in one day, with a pair of bullocks and drill plough. The
extent varies from two to eight acres. Kurige in Kannada is
a seed drill or sowing machine drawn by oxen. Kurige also
is a land measure like kurgi.

The old English word for furlong was furlang (660 ft) and
was derived from furh meaning furrow and lang meaning long.
Thus the furrowing length was considered as furlong. It is,
therefore, interesting to note measuring by yoking distance was
in vogue in other parts of the world also.

For the sake of completion of the information available on
the linear measures in ancient India, two novel linear measure
tables described by Bhoja in his Yukfi-Kalpataru 106 are given
below. The first table is a kind of novel measurement used
in the design of several Royal appendages. Here, each succeed-
ing measure form a multiple of ten with regard to the one
preceding it (a decimal system).

10 hastas =1 Raja hasta (hasta of the King)

10 Raja hasta =1 Raja darida

10 Raja danda =1 Raja catra

10 Raja catra =1 Raja karuja

10 Raja kanda =1 Raja.purusa

10 Raja purusa =1 Raja pradMni

10 Raja pradhani =1 Rajaksetrama

30

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

The other table relates to nine times the preceding measure

9 tantu

= 1 sutra

9 sutra

= 1 guna

9 guna

= 1 pasa

9 paga

= 1 rasmi

9 rasmi

= 1 rajju 106

These equivalents were not mentioned by any other writer.
Even Bhoja himself has not mentioned these in his Samarangna
sutradhara.

Before concluding, a comparison of the evolution of the
Indian linear units with the evolution of British units will not
be out of place.

The inch (2.54 cms), which corresponds to the Indian
angula (8 yava=l") was introduced in Britain during Roman
occupation as a thumb’s breadth. It was l/12th of the foot in
the Roman duodecimal system.

The yard of 36 inches has its origin in the Tudor times. By
tradition (often stated as fact), Henry VII, in the 16th century
A.D., is supposed to have decreed, that the yard should
thenceforth be the distance from the tip of his nose to the end
of his thumb with the hand stretched fully. It is half
Vyaydma of the Indian system.

The mile was defined by the Romans as 1000 paces, each
pace being equal to 5 Roman feet. This mile of 5000 feet
later became the English mile, possibly in the reign of Henry
VII, but definitely through a statute of Elizabeth I, as measur-
ing 5280 feet. This mile corresdonds to 1000 prakramas of
ancient Indian literature.

A study into the different scales of ancient India along with
the scales of Gudea and Sankereh tablets also reveal certain
-common features. The scales of Harappa 4 and Mohenjo daro 2
reveal the use of both binary and decimal systems. The foot
and, the cubit measures [13.2" (39.5 cms) and 20.7' (52.6 cms)]
found in Harappa and Mohenjo daro correspond to the units
of ancient Egypt. The houses in Lothal can be measured in
terms of foot, the unit in each case being 13.2" (39.5 cms).
The rules of Gudea are engraved scales showing a resemblance
with the Assyrian span scale of 10.8' 8 (2 6.4 cms), while
tSankereh tablets reveal use of decimal systems. 8 The general

-LIN EAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

31

-statement, the binary and decimal systems were prevalent in
India, however, does not seem to tally with the literature.
Decimal system can be seen, only in the bigger units in
Karnataka, where the villages are grouped together in hund-
reds and thousands, namely Belvala 3000, Banawasi 12,000,
Nolambavadi 32,000 and Gangawatfi 96,000 etc. Perhaps, these
are all in accordance with Mahabhavata , Manu and Vi#nu
Smrtis 9 where for administrative purposes, the grouping of
10, 20, 100 and 1000 were advised. Here also, these divisions
might probably be only an approximation. Instead of expres-
sing numbers like 2986 or 12012, the round numbers' like
3000 and 12000 might have been conveniently used.

The prevalence of quarternary system perhaps might have
been found easier for calculation and particularly for division.
Moreover, since almost all the linear measures prevalent were
derived from the parts of human body the decimal system was
not possible. For example, we had measures like span which
was l/8th of the human body and cubit was l/4th of the body.
The various measures derived from human body are shown in
Plate I.

Angula , ahgust or digit seems to have been the most impor-
tant unit and even the minute variations in this unit, created
a vast difference in the bigger units. In ancient India a hasta
or the cubit seems to have been the basic unit, for expressing
the linear measures.

The measure smaller than the angula namely anu > trasarenu ,
ratharenu , valdgra , liksa, yuka , and yava follow octonari
system. The bigger units pada (6 angulas ), vitasti (12 angulas ),
aratni or hasta (24 angulas ), vyayama (84 angulas) and daritfa
(96 angulas ) seem to follow duodecimal system. If yojana is
considered as 4 krosas , then it can even be stated as being
-quarternary in relation to the bigger units also.

Finally, it will be interesting to note that in using the
various parts of the body for measuring, a remarkable coinci-
dence is seen with the measures found m Babylon, Egypt and
Rome, as brought out in Chart II, This chart also brings out
-all the relevant equivalents of the linear measures used by.
different writers in the past in India.

32

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

References

1. Rg Veda , I, 110, 5; I, 100, 18; III, 38, 3.

2. Further excavations at Mohenjo daro, p. 405, Vol. II pi. CVI 30;
CXXV, 1.

3. Lothul and Indus Civilization , p. 107.

4. Excavation at Harappa , Vol. II, pi. CXXV, 39a.

5. Details are not published yet.

6. JRAS , 1903 p. 257.

7. JRAS , 1903 p. 274.

8. Ezekiel X, 5; XIII, 16.

9. The Cairo Nilometer , p. 103.

10. Hindu, Jaina and Mathematical Works mostly mention these
measures. According to Buddhist texts these measures are 7 times
the previous one.

11. Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, p. 65.

12. Arthaidstra, ch. XX, p. 117.

13. ApastambaSulva sutra , p. 24.

14. BaudhayanaSulvasutra , ch. I; 1-21.

Satapatha Brakmana, Vol. Ill, ch. III.

Markantfeyapurana, p. 240.

Matsyapuraria, 1972, p. 303.

The Report and essays of (he Sixth Gujarati Sahitya Parishad p. 53-70.

15. Jambudiva Panriatti-Samgaha. In the last page, the table states the
k$etramana in Jambudiva Panpatti. Tiloya pawatti, Anuyogadvara
and Jyoti$a makaranda are given in detail.

16. Abhidhdnappadipika, p. 31.

Lalitavistara, p. 168.

17. Samardngarta sutradhara, Vol. I, ch. VIII.

18. Aparajiiaprchcha , Sutra 41, Hastakambhipramapam.

19. Viswakarma Vastu&astram , 9th chapter, Manakathanam, Mayamatam %
ch. V.

20. JRAS, 1913, p. 154.

20a, Nitisdra , I; 196-198.

21. Encyclopaedia Britanica, Vol 23, 1972, p. 371, 372.

22. AlberunVs India, pt. I, p. 166,

23. Atharva Veda VIII, 7, 28.

24. MER, 1912, No. 440.

25. Oil, ill. No. 38.

26. Manual of North Arcot District , Vol. II, p, 468.

27. India as known to Pdpini, p. 253.

28. BSOAS, XI, 1945, p. 549.

29. Aparajitaprchcha, Sutra 4, Verse 35.

30. EL, VIII, p. 30.

JOJB, XVIII, p. 20.

31. El, l, p. 154.

LINEAR MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

33

32. CBI, No. 13 and 14, p. 80 and 84.

33. ibid. No. 6.

EL, XV, p. 278.

34. India as seen in the Brhat Samhita of Varahamihira , p. 342,

35 , Agrarian system of Mughal India , Appendix A, p. 354. The author
has analysed several authorities in this aspect.

JRAS , 1843, p. 45-49. According to this author Illahee gaz was
32. 126" .

36. From Akbar to Aurangzeb , p. 338.

Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier , Vol. 1, p. 355.

37. India in the time of FataHjali , p. 138.

38. El, XVI, p. 331.

39. Kl, II, No. 38.

40. El, XII, p. 336. 290.

41. El, IV, p. 65.

42. Kl, II, Na. 16.

43. El, III, p. 210, 331.

44. IA , IV, p. 279.

45. El, IV, p. 204.

46. IE, p.408.

47. Colas , p. 540, 543.

48. ibid, p. 452, 465, 523.

49. South Indian Polity , p. 151, 156, 158, 159, quoted in IE.

50. SI1, V, No. 139.

51. ibid. No. 1084.

52. ibid, No. 1144.

53. Tel ugu Inscriptions II, p. 136.

54. 57/ X, No. 448.

55. ibid , No. 509.

56. El, III, p. 230.

57. ibid, p. 213.

58. El, XXVII, p. 54.

59. Vratakharitfa, VoL I, ch. I, p. 52-53.

60. Lildvati , ch. 1, paribha$a V, 5-7.

61. JNSL VIII, p. 146.

61a. GapitGscirasangraha, appendix IV.

62. Mahdbharata, Aranyakaparva

63. Bangalir Itihasa , p. 85.

64. El, XXVI, p.l

65. Jatakas I, 64 , 70; IV, 17, 2; 142, VI 580,

Dictionary in Pali Language , p. 537.

66. Zsvalayanagrhyasuira, IX, 1,9.

EL, VIH, p. 233.

67. Suggestion by Mehta, R.N.

68. EI. VIII, p.233

69. PaHcatantra, I, 96.

34

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

70. Bhagavata , 1:1:96: 1:6, 13.

71. CBJ, No. 7, p. 55.

72. ibid. No. 4, p. 46.

73. ibid. No. 36, p, 263.

74. ibid , No. 41, p. 306.

75. £7, XXI, 1211.

76. CjB/, No. 40, p. 298.

77. No. 37, p. 274.

78. ibid. No. 39, p. 291.

79. Clh IV, Pt. II, No. 74.

80. Eh V, p. 113.

81. £/, VI p. 39.

82. £/, XIII, p. 216,

83. Vai jay anti, p. 40.

84. Ja'akas, III, No. 276, p. 257, text, p. 376.

85. Eh II, No. 230, p. 38.

86. Luders List, No. 1195, Eh X, p. 138.

87. Gariitatilaka, K$etravyavahara, p. 2.

88. I A, XVIII, p. 108.

89. VUvako?a , Vol. V, 1922, p. 559.

90. Gariitasarasamgraha , ch. I.

91. AJokan Abhilekhan , p.149. Fleet considers, AdakoSikyani as 8 krosas.
■92. Strabo XV, 1, 50.

93. XVII, p. 110.

94. Ancient Geography of Jndia t Appendix B, p. 658.

*95. JR AS 1903, p. 65.

JRAS 1906, p. 1011.

96. Valmiki Ramayaria, Sundarakancja 5: 1: 184.

97. Mapimekalai , “Naganatlu nanooru yojanai”.

98. Brahmasphuta Siddhanta Vol. I, p. 89.

99. “iT ryabhaflyam ”, Gltikapada.

100. Rajaditya’s Vyavabaraganita, quoted by Manappa Bhat in, “Mathe-
matics in Karnataka of the middle ages,” Bharata Kaumudhi I,
p. 127; JRAS , 1907, p. 655.

101. Ancient Geography of India, Introduction.

102. ArthaSastra , p. 392.

103. JRAS, 1912, p. 229.

104. MaMbhdskariyam, p. XLVI.

105. Bak§ali manuscript , Introduction.

106. Yuktikalpataru , p. 21, p. 62.

CHART II

Sulvasutras

ArthaSastra

Jaina canonical
literature and
Gapitasara-
sangralia

M&rkajxJeya

Purapa

Abhidhanap-

padipika

Bakgali

manuscript

Sridhara’s
(1040 A.D.)
Ganita tilaka

Mayamatam
and Manas a ra

Vi^wakarma-

vastuSastram

SamaiaPgana

SutradKlra

Rajaditya’s
Vyavaharaganita
(1120 A.D.)

Bhakaracarya’s
Lilavati
(1150 A.D)

Gujarati commentary on
Sridhara’s Patiganita

Greek

Roman

Egyptian

Hebrew

Table I

Table II

1,

2 .

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8 .

9,

10 .

11 .

12 .

13.

14.

15.

16.

17*

18.

19*

20 .

SI.

23.

24.

25.

26.

34 ti)a==angula 8 yava— angula 8 yava=adgula

6 angula =pada

10 angula=ksudrapada

12 angula— pradeSa 12 afigula^vitastl 12 angula— vitasti

15 angula— pada 14 afigula— pada,

gala, gama

24 afigula— vitasti 24 angula— aratni 24 arigula= hasta

42 a£gula=ki§ku

30 afigula— pr?krama

32 afigula»janu 32 a6gula=kisku or

kama

36 a£tgula=b5hu
88 angula^Ija
86 afigula— yuga
120 aAgula— vyama

8 yava— angula 7yava=angula 6 yava^adgula 6 yava=angula 8 yava=adgula 3 vrihi= angula 6, 7 or 8 y|ya=aiigula

6 angula— j^arapada
10 angula ^sayatala

12 angula— vitasti 12 afigula=ratana 12 angula=vitasti 12 angula=vitasti 12 angula = vitasti 12 angula ^vitasti

14 angula— pada

24 afigula— hasta 24 angula— hasta 24 angula— hasta or 24 afigula=hasta 24 afigula— aratni

' 42 aftgula=ki$ku

24 afigula— hasta
42 afigula— kisku
48 angula— nadika*

ki§ku

48 angula=dhanur
mu$ti

84 angula=vyama
(man’s height)
96 adgula==vyayama 96 afigula=dap#
104 afigula=ak§a

84 angula =ya§ti

96 angula— hasta 96 afigula= hasta

108 afigula— garhapad
yadhanus
192 angular Brahma
deyadhanus

10 dap#=rajju
1000 dap#— goruta

96 afigula— dan# 96 angula=dan# 96 afigula— dhanus

dan# ya$ti

2000 dap#— krosa

4 goruta=yojana

2000 dap#=kro&i
4 kro&=gavyuti
4 gavyuti— yojana

20 ya§ti— usabha

80 usabha— goruta

96 angula=dhanur
dap#

192 afigula— rajadap#
384 afigul a= brahma-
dap#

84 angula=vyama
96 apgula=
yuga, na<ji,

106 arigula=dhanus

8 dan#=rajju

1000 dap#=krosa 2000 dap#=krosa 500 dap#=kro£a
8 kro#= gavyuti 4 krosa— gavyuti

4 goruta= 2 gavyuti— 4 kroSa = yojana 4 gavyuti— yojana

yojana yojana

* According to Adityapurana

1000

= krosa

8 krosa= yojana

8 yava=afigula

6 yava— angula

12 angula = span or can

•ftr<18.5 mm) digit .737* (18.7 mm) zebo .74* (19 mm)

2,9' (73.9 mm) palm 2.974" (75 mm) ezba finger

Shep (palm) 2.9* (75 mm)

tepah, (palm)

24 ai\gula= cubit or
rnujarn

24 angula— hasta 28 afigula==hasta

.8 (19,3 mm) digit
3* (77 mm) palm (4 digits)

7.6* (193 mm) hand breadth

(10 digits) |V ; y
9.1* (231 mm) span (12 digits)

12.2* (309 mm) foot (16 digits) l'Jl.64* (295.7 mm) .13.95* 354 mm)

2 If angula— 18.3* (463mm) cubit (24 digits) pes royal foot) 16 digits

hasta 30.4* (772 mm) step (40 digits) ^47.4* (449 mm) cubit

; 2L9* (739mm) gradur, 20.62* (524 mm)

96 afigula= dap# 96 ajigula=^dap#

12 afigula — dap#

4.6' (1.39 m) xylon

192 angula or 6,1' (1.85 m) fathom
8 hasta=dap# 6.3' (1.93 m) pole

200 dap#— kro^a
4 krosa— yojana

20 dap#— rajju
10 hasta=vamsa

3 dap#=vamsa 61 (18.5 m) cable

(60 Greek feet)

2000 dap#— krosa 2000 dap#=krosa
4 krosa ojana 4 krosa —yojana

step

royal cubit

8.8* (225 mm)
zeret (12 finger)

20.7* (525 mm)
royal cubit

j9.7' (2.957 m) pole

5.9' (1.8m) fa thom
8.8' (2.7 m) reed

f • ' j

l; ■;

0,918 miles (1.478 km)

3.9 miles (6.3 km)=
ater, skhoine

4430' (1.350 km)
(3000 cubit)

Area Measures in Ancient India

THE evolution of area measures in ancient India appears to
have started far later than the evolution of linear measures.
While the references to linear measures, can be traced to early
Vedic period 1 , the earliest reference on area measures, appears
to be seen in Baudhayana dharmasutra * , which belongs to 1000
B.C. The need for area measures seems to have arisen in
relation to gift of lands. Even though entire villages were
granted by charter on many occasions, a large number of land
gifts appear to be related to smaller plots of land necessitating
the measurements to be indicated in the records. The informa-
tion about area measures, though available in ancient Indian
literature and inscriptions, are not often comprehensive and
there is considerable uncertainty about the exact area, which
many of the land measures used in those periods, actually
represented. Further, no common standard appears to have
•existed in ancient India on area measures. The same unit
appears to have had different values in different places at the
same period and also at the, same place in different periods.
This naturally makes it difficult, for anyone to correctly project
an evolutionary pattern, in defining the development of area
measures in ancient India. The present attempt tries to bring
together, most of the relevant information relating to the area

36

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

measures, used in different places in India at different periods,
and attempt to link them to some commen base.

An examination of the various area measures used in
ancient India, brings out the fact that four different approaches
were made in demarcating land areas:

1. The most commonly used approach appears to be*
related to the use of a variety of dantfas of definite
hastas (cubits). The most common measure belonging
to this category was nivartana . Many other measures*
using different rod measures were in use particularly in
South India such as mattar , kamma , pa{{i 9 etc.

2. The second approach was by plough measures as hala y
vadha , sfra 9 etc.

3. The third approach was related to the quantity of seed
sown as in kufyavapa, adhavapa , droyavapa, etc.

4. The fourth approach was according to the yield of land
as in bhumi .

The information on various measures in each of these
categories are presented in their order of popular use and the
details on these are given in a chronological order, to under-
stand the varying concepts relating to these measures from
time to time and in different regions in ancient India.

Nivartana (niyattana of Jain texts): This is the most exten-
sively used term for area measure in the literary and epigraphic
records. However, it seems to vary considerably in the size of
the area it denoted in different records. The earliest reference
to nivartana occurs in Baudhayana dharmasutra (third pra£na).
In this, a brahmin was described to be cultivating six nivartanas *
of fallow land to support his family, giving a share to the*
owner also. The term used for this is sannivartani 2 . Here the
area was not defined clearly except to state that the brahmin
ploughed it with two bulls.

In £ at a tap a samhita 3 and Brhaspati samhita*, a nivartana is*
described as representing an area of 30x30 sq. dandas, with
the length of the danda being 10' cubits. Therefore, according
to them a nivartana is 300x300 cubits, which will be equal to
about 4.5 acres (1.8 hectares). Kautilya, also considers
nivartana as being equal to 3 rajjus or 30 dandas , but he has a.
different measure for the dandla . According to him, each danda:

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

37

measured 192 angular as specified for gifts to brahmins. 5
Thus, his nivartana would be 160x160 sq. yds, which would be
equivalent to about 5 acres (2 hectares) assuming that an
'Cingula was equal to an inch. If his ahgula is considered as
equal to J inch as mentioned by some authors, then it would be
120 X 120 sq. yds which would be about 3 acres or 1.2 hectares
•only. Kaufilya also described a dayda of 96 ahgulas , in which
•case the nivartana area will be half of the above calculations.

tiukramti 6 , quoting Prajapati and Manu gives two different
equivalents for nivartana . According to Prajapati and Manu as
quoted in it, a nivartana was equal to 25 X25 dandas , but they
differed in their concept of the length of a danda. Prajapati
considered a danda to be equal to 5 hastas , while that of Manu
was 4 hastas , making a nivartana being equal to about § acre
and'i acre (0.3 and 0.2 hectares) respectively.

In Nilakantha’s commentary 7 on Mahabharota a nivartana
was described as 20 rods (probably 20 rods each way). The
-actual length of the rod is not clear.

VjjnaneSwara 8 in his Mitaksara , also referred to nivartana as
30 dandas square. However his danda was of 7 hastas , thereby
making a nivartana equal to 210x210 cubits (about 2£ acres or
0.9 hectares). The same opinion is adhered to by Ballalasena
in his Danasdgara 9 .

Hemadri’s Caturvargacintamani is a valuable lexicon quot-
ing several authors on different subjects. Danakhanda lu in that
work is a veritable compendium on giving gifts, wherein he
quotes Matsyapurana as holding the view, th^t a nivartana is
210x210 cubits square. However, in his Vratakhantfa 11 * he
indicates that the darida according to B^haspati was of 10
hastas , while according to Matsyapurana it was 7 hastas ,
thereby once again the two views namely, a nivartana being
300 X 300 cubits according to one and 210x210 cubits accord-
ing to another are presented.

The later mathematical works of repute, 'instead of clarify-
ing the position relating to the actual area representing a
nivartana , added further confusion by different writers giving .
•entirely different values. Sripati in his Ganitatilaka n states,
that a nivartana , is of 2 rajjus, a rajju being 20 dandas. This
makes it equal to 160 x 160 hastas , giving an approximate value

38

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

of acre (0.5 hectares) for a nivartana. Bhaskaracarya 1 ®
considered it to be of 20 vamsa square and his vam&o was equal
to 10 tom making it 200x200 hastas or nearly 2 acres (0.8
hectares).

In the Gujarati commentary on Srldhara’s Pa(iganita u , the-
term netana is used, which is probably a local term for
nivartana and is said to represent 312x312 hastas, which will
be about 5 acres (2 hectares). Till as late as 19th century A.D.,
a netana measure corresponding to 5 acres (2 hectares) was in
use in Bihar. 16

Situation is the same, even in relation to the inscriptionaf
references relating to nivartana. Inscriptions covering almost
all over India at one time or other refer to nivartana. Inscrip-
tions of Satavahanas 16 Vakatakas 17 , Pallavas 18 , Kadambns 19 ,
Calukyas of Badami 20 , Kalachuris 21 , Rastrakutas 22 , Calukyas of
Kalyani 23 , Paramaras 24 , Gahadvalas 26 , Yadavas 26 and their
feudatories refer to nivartana in their grants.

The earliest record to mention nivartana, was from Nasik
cave inscriptions 16 . Rajan Gautamiputra Satakarni donated
200 and 300 nivartana of land to the mendicant ascetics. In
the Hlrahadagalli grant (1st quarter of 4th century A D.) of
Sivaskandavarman, two nivartanas of land in the village of
Apitti were given as gift. 18

Nivartana appears to have been measured by different
dandas at different places. In the Godachi plates of Kattiarasa
dated 578 A.D., twenty-five nivartanas were measured by the-
royaj standard ( rajamana danda) 11 . In the Kolhapur inscription
of Silahara Vijayaditya (§aka 1055), a grant of \ of a
nivartanas was measured by Kundi danda. tB In another inscrip-
tion from Kolhapur during the time of Bhoja II (§aka 1112-
1115), terms uttama nivartana and kanispia nivartana occur. 22

In certain land grants, vague references are made about the
measurement of nivartana. In the Abhona plates of Sankara-
gana (Kalachuri Samvat 347), a grant of 100 nivartanas of land
in the village, Vallisaka in Bhogavardhana visaya is recorded. 21
“Ubhaya Catvarimsaka nivartanina bhuminnivartanasatam” is.
understood by V.V. Mirashi as forty dandas on either side i.e.
1600 sq. dandas. Here, the length of the danfa is not men-
tioned.

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

39

In the Kadambapadraka grant of Paramara king Nara-
varman, 20 nivartanas of land were measured with a rod, and
the land was 96 parvas in length and 42 parvas in breadth. 24
The measurement of ’the parva is not mentioned. If a parva is
equal to 4 hastas, then the nivartana would be 1.6 acres (0.6
hectares]. All these show that nivartana is an area measure
and the area it represented depended upon the length of the
rod used. Maruturu of Telugu records 30 and mattar or mattaru
of Kannada records 31 are considered as terms equivalent to
nivartana.

The length represented by danda varied from 2, 4 or 8
hastas in literature and also from area to area in epigraphical
records. Unless the actual length of the danda is clear, it will
be difficult to arrive at a proper value for nivartana out of the
epigraphical records. Still several scholars have dealt with
nivartana, arriving at different conclusions. One method of
arriving at the value of nivartana is deducing it from other
known measurements. Since Brhaspati 4 and Yajnavalkya 8 have
stated that a nivartana is 1/1 0th of a gocarman , one can deduce
the dimensions of a nivartana from gocarman. Here also there
is no definite accepted relationship. As for example Matsya-
purana states that a gocarman is 2/3 of a nivartana. 11 Again,
the area represented by gocarman is not clear. This will be
dealt with in detail while discussing gocarman .

In the Nagari plates of Ananga Bhima III, dated §aka 1151
and 1152, 18 vatis in Purpagrama were granted to a brahman
Dik§ita Rudrapanisarman. 32 The area of 1 8 vSfis of land is
referred here as a gocarman . Pramoda Ahhidhdna , an Oriya
dictionary published in 1942 refers to a vafi as comprising
20 acres. Since nivartana is said to be l/10th of a gocarman ,
a nivartana would be 36 acres according to this. It may be
noted that the area represented by vati was also not uniform.

According to Wilson’s glossary a vdti of land in Orissa is
20 mdnas. A mdna which is otherwise known as bigha , is said
to be equal to 25 gunthas in Cuttak. A gunfha (measuring
121 sq, yds. or the fortieth part of an acre in some places) is
regarded as 16 bisvas , while a bisva is 1 /20th of bigha. Based
on this, the vd(i can be regarded as 12| acres (5 hectares).
On the other hand, if 18 vafis constituted a gocarman , then a

40

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

nivartana would be 22\ acres (9 hectares). Both these calcula-
tions seem to be far off the mark of our ancient seers. More-
over, the 17th century work Danamayttka states that a gocaf-
man is 2/3 of a nivartana . Thus the approach to arrive at the
area of nivartana , through its relationship to gocarman of va{i
adds to the confusion only.

One scholar concludes, that since the term nivartana
literally means ‘turning back’ it probably indicates measuring
of lands by an individual, starting from a particular point,
going round the field and returning to the starting point within
a certain time, thereby marking the exact boundary of the field
covered, during the course of the round. A similar custom
seems to have prevailed in Russia also. The Baskeers were
said to have the habit of selling land by the day, i.e. as much
of land as a man can go round on his feet, from sun-rise to sun
set. Naturally, the area it represents is bound to differ, since
the rate of walking differs from individual to individual. Per-
haps the distance covered by a certain individual in a day,
might have been used as the standard. 33 However these are
only conjectures.

From the Kasakudi plates of t PalIava Nandivarman II, it
seems nivartana and pa{{i are synonymous. The Sanskrit
portion of the plates 6 Samanya nivartanadvaya maryadaya ’
is a literal translation of the Tamil portion of the same grant
* Sam&nya ren4u patfipatfiyaV No deduction can be made
from these statements, since the exact area of a pattf is not
known.

According to P.V, Kane the word nivartana was derived
from the root ‘vrit’ meaning encompass or surround with the
prefix W and hence it is an area ploughed in a day by a team
of six or eight oxen 35 (ni=six or eight). Dr. D.S. Bose has come
to the conclusion that the sq. nivartana of Brahma, quoted by
Sukra is equal to 2500 sq. yds. (0.2 hectares), while in the
Arthasastra it is equal to 3600 sq. yds. (0.3 hectares) 36 Dr.
Pran Nath suggest, that brahmadeya nivartana is the area of
land granted to a brahman and is equal to an English acre. 73
Dr,. Altekar takes as 5 acres (2 hectares) 38 and Dr R.S. Sharma

AREA. MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

41

considers it as acre (0.6 hectares). 39 Dr. S.K. Das states
that nivartana is an area sufficient to support one man from
its produce. 40

All these differences appear to be mainly due to the varying
length of the cubits and the measuring rods used by different
people without any recognized standard. Even at present, in
different areas the measuring rods and areas represented by
the term bigha differ. Bombay bigha (3925 sq. yds.) is equal to
about 2\ Bengal bigha (1 Bengal bigha-=l6Q0 sq. yds). Thus
nivartana seems to vary from 5 acres to 0.5 acres (2 hectares to
0.2 hectares) in different periods at different places.

Gocarman has been mentioned in many of the literary works
cited above. Gocarman literally means the area of land, that
could be covered by the hides of cow slaughtered in a sacrifice
and was granted as the priest's sacrificial fee. 41 The term
gocarman has been interpreted in different ways. It is said to
indicate a piece of land large enough, to be encompassed by
straps of leather from the hide of a single cow, according to
Nllakaptha’s commentary on Mahabharata According to
Parasara Samhlta 43 and J Bfhaspati Samhita u , gocarman is that
area of land, where one thousand cows could freely graze in
the company of hundred bulls (or one bull). Another, variant
reading of Brhaspati, quoted by Hemadri in Vratakhanda
states, the gocarman is equal to 80 nivartanas and a nivartana
is of 30 rod (square), with the rod measuring 10 cubits.
featatapa samhita agrees to the same. 45 Yijnan6swara slightly
differs by stating that the danda measures 7 cubits. 8 According
to the former it will be 45 acres (18 hectares) and the latter it
will be 22\ acres (9 hectares) approximately.

In contradiction to these, Hemadri quoting from
Matsyapurana in his Danakhan^a section states, that a
gocarman is 2/3 of a nivartana . In the same section he refers
to VaSistha having stated that a gocarman is 150x150 cubits. 10
According to these calculations gocarman may be close to a
hectare (2.47 acres). Vpddha VaSistha and ParaSara (quoted by
Hemadri in Danakhanid) indicate that hundred cows and a
bull can occupy a gocarman. 10 According to Visjtu Samhita,

42

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

gocarman is that much of land of whatever extent, the crops
raised on which will maintain a man for one year. 46 . Like
Hemadri, Apararka also^quotes most of these concepts.
According to Monier Williams and Wilson, gocarman is the
land measuring 300x10 ft; but this statement does not coin-
cide with any of the authorities quoted above. Thus the area
represented by the term gocarman is very confusing.

The term gocarman mainly occurs in Eastern India in the
grants of Ganga kings. In the Nagari plates of Ananga Bhima
III (Saka 1151, 1152), the area of 18 vafis is referred to as
gocarman** A vdti in Orissa is equal to 20 mdnas or 20 bighas
according to Wilson’s glossary as referred to earlier. Hence a
^ati is 12| acres. The Oriya dictionary Pramoda Ahhidhana
(published in 1942) however, regards mar, a as equal to one
acre and vdti therefore will be equal to 20 acres. Hence
gocarman must be either 225 acres according to the former
and 360 acre according to the latter, both representing a large
areas. Perhaps these may be comparable with the statements
of Brhaspati and Parasara. Gocarman , perhaps, may be
derived from gocara meaning the grazing field of the cow.
Pasture lands, which cannot be cultivated, might have been
donated as large areas to people. The area of a gocarman y
if it is taken in this sense, can only be an approximate measure
indicating a vast area.

Mat tat, matter (Kannada), martu , mar turn or maruturu
(Telugu) are common terms used for measuring lands in
Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.

There is a vague reference in an inscription from Udajri*
where it is given, that 100 kammas as being equal to a mattar . 4T
This reference relates to one Heggade Rajaya’s son, Heggade
Timmana, and daughter Heggade Chandave. who got a temple
of Saka!e§vara constructed and for the feeding of the brahmans
and for offering boiled food to God, had granted 53 kammas of
rice land and 50 kammas of wet land, aggregating to 1 mattar.
Another epigraph from Balambige refers to 4 kamma 50 kammas
50 antu mattarondu . . . kamma 60 . . . kamma 40 antu mattar -
ondu 5 suggested that 100 kammas constituted a mattar . 48

Another inscription dated 1218 A.D., equates 2 hadas+ 35

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

43*

kambas , 1 hdda-\-35 kambas+35 kambas+35 kambas totalling*
3 hadas and 140 kambas with 2 mattars 15 kambas.^ This,.,
therefore suggests 100 kammas or kambas are equal to a maltar .
There are several other inscriptions mentioning gifts of 145 and
175 kammas. It may be a way of expression or the term mattar
rnay perhaps be more than 100 kammas . It is interesting to
note from the Talgun^a inscription that one mattar of land
was taken to yield two khantfikas or khandugas of grain. 50

For the measurement of mattar several rods ( clanda or gale >
such as Rajamanadan<ia u , berunda gale , agradimba gale 52 ?
Dhdnavinodha gale (35 spans), Ovantaramalla gale (13 span) 54 ,
Bhuguda gale (28 span), 53 Klriya gale (small rod), Tdmbla gale
(Tamil Country), etc, 41 were used. In the Salotgi inscription, it
is mentioned, that Maliamadalesvara Gounarasa gave to
the God Traipurusa at the agrahara of Panithage, in the
Badala thirty six, two hundred mattars of cultivated land,,
measured by the Tdmbla rod; two mattars of land in Balambige,
measured by magau rod ; and three mattars of paddy fields
measured by small (kiriya) rod in Singanakatte near Makiri-
yinti. 23 Similarly in an inscription from Yewur several mattars
were measured by Dhdnavinodha gale , Elave gale and Ovantara
gale, 51 These show that several rods were used for measuring
the mattar by the same person in the same gift of lands even-
in the same ar£a.

In the Western Calukyan records the term gaunigana mattar
occurs, 65 In an inscription of Vikramaditya VI, dry land mea-
suring 40 kdla mattars, were given away as gift. 56 Kai mattar
is another term found in the Karnataka records. 57 Marta
marturu , matiuru or maruturu are the Telugu counter parts for
the term mattar . Though these terms were generally used for
measuring wet land, it was not quite rigid. In the Hanam-
kopda inscription (Saka 1001 ) 58 and Bothpur inscription
(£aka 1181 ) 59 maruturu is associated with both dry and wet
lands. Marutelu and martulu are the plural forms of marturu'
and sometimes the word md itself referred to marturu. Several
types of maruturu occur in the records from Andhra Pradesh...
Mitta-kommu martuiuru 60 might refer to some field in a higher
level since mitta is high or rising ground. Pahimdivaya
maruturu may be a certain measure of land, which brought aa.

44

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

income in cash and not in kind. 61 Ghada maruturu 88 and
■kunta maruturu 63 are other types of maruturu. All these
inscriptions are, however, silent about the area of the land
these terms covered. 64

Kamma or Kamba, undoubtedly is smaller than a mattar
mentioned in the inscriptions from Karnataka. 66 Literally
this term means a rod or a stick, derived from the Sanskrit
word stamba.

Paj{i is a common land measure in extreme South. This
term is also used in Gujarat. It also means a sheepfold or a
plot of land. In South, the names of the villages and hamlets
often end with the suffix patti, thereby denoting an area of
land. Paffi also denotes a pole in Karnataka and different
poles were used for measuring different soils. One pole or
patti was used for black soil and other for masab or mixed
soil and a third for tari or rice land. Within each classified
•soil also, the area represented by patti appears to have differed.
As for example in black soil the pole or patti varied from 24
to 48 kurgis or drill plough’s day’s work. 96 a

Patti is referred to as a piece of land in Halsi grant of
Ravivarman. 66 In the Gorantla plates a gift of 800 pattis of
land at the village of Tanlikonda ir recorded. 67 In the Gandalur
jgrant of Kumaravisnu out of 800 paffikas of land at the village
■of Candalur, the king offered 432 patfikas as brahmadeya, gift
to brahmans. 68 Several pajtikas occur in the Kaira grant of
-Calukya Yijayaraja 69 , which indicated the use of the term
paffi in Gujarat also. Till recently in Karnataka the patti
varried from 24 to 48 kurgis. According to the soil, one kurgi
•varied from 2 to 8 acres. Further, it is difficult to conclude
-about the area represented by the term patti > since the varia-
tions relating to the soil types appear to be too many. As
-stated earlier from the Kasakudi plates of Pallava Nandi-
war man, patti and nivartana appears to be synonymous. This
has been referred to under nivartana.

Kuli which literally means a pit, is used as a unit
for area measure in extreme south only. Kuli was measured
hy different types of koles (measuring sticks) namely Kadigai-
Jmlaitukkol™ , maligaikol 71 , nalucankol (4 span) 73 , pannirucan
Jcol (12 span), padinarucankol (16 span) 73 , etc. During the

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA 45

time of Nrpatuhgavarman in an inscription, it is stated that
27,000 kulis of land were divided among various people, each
kuli measured by a pannirucankol (12 span rod). Therefore-
in the time of Nfpatungavarman, a kuli must have measured
[12 Xf? = 81 sq. ft.

However, kuli measure is known to have varied from 144-
sq. ft. to 576 sq. ft. in Karnataka, Kerala and Tatniln&Ju. It
is also considered as 1/240 of a patfagam.

Ma stands for tne fraction 1/20 in Tamilnadu and Kerala
jn their mathematical tables. Hence Dr. D. C. Sircar consi-
ders l/20th of a veli or 2.5 kani or 2 sei as ma. In one of
the inscriptions from Tiruvavadudurai, during the time of
Rajendra I (regnal year 6), a ma was considered as equal to
100 kulis, measured by maligaikol 71 Till recently in Tamilnadu
and Kerala ma was equal to 240 kulis (3.17 acres, 1.3 hectares)*
which was the same as pa^agam.

The measures described above are the measures using,
dandas or hastas as the linear measure units. The following,
area measures were derived from plough measures, which was
another system used for measuring cultivated lands.

Hala literally means a plough. A large plough was known
as hali, jitya, langala and sir a according toPanini. But whether
all these expressions were used as units of measurement is not
clear. Dvihalya and trihalya mentioned by Panini appears to
represent areas cultivated by two or 3 ploughs respectively. 75

Manu refers to various kinds of ploughs. His commentator*
Kullukabhatta explains, that the area measure using a plough
drawn by eight bullocks as dharma hala, that drawn by six for
the cultivators (madhyama hala), that drawn by four was used
for house-holders (grhasta hala ) and the one drawn by three
bullocks used for the brahman ( brahma hala) 7i . Atri samhita
however, refers to four kinds of hala drawn by eight, six, four
and two bullocks. 77 Brhspati has stated that a hala should foe
eight ahgulas long and four angulas broad 78 ; but he has not
specified hala as a land measure. The statement by Bana that
“Hatsa bestowed hundred villages, delineated by thousand
ploughs” can refer to either the extent of land given away in
hundred villages measured by thousand ploughs. 7 ®

It is difficult to ascertain the exact area that could be culti-

*46

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

vated with one plough. If the soil presents a congenial
condition and if the oxen are healthy, the area is bound to be
more. The size of the plough is also an important factor in
-determining the extent of the land that can be ploughed in a
„given time. As the grades of soil were of different categories
and the size and the capacity of the oxen also differed, the
^extent of the plough measure could not have been uniform
throughout. When plough ( hala ) occurs as a measurement, it
refers to that much of a land which can be cultivated by a
plough in a given time at the given place. Only the time factor
•could have remained uniform.

Epigraphic evidence of hala measure usage are available in
plenty. The term hala occurs in the inscriptions of many
dynasties like Satavuhanas 80 , Pallavas 81 RSstrakutas 82 , Calu-
2cyas 83 , Paramaras 84 , Kalachuris 86 and Cahamanas. 86 In a Prakrt
inscription from Nagarjunakonda, pertaining to the time of
Mahatalavari Adavi Catisri and Srt Catamula,-the former gave
away hundreds of thousands of ploughs of land’. 80 In the
Pallava grant of Sivaskandavarman (4th century A. DO a lord
Bappa was called the bestower of 100,00 ox or cow ploughs. 81
In these cases, either the hala used may be smaller one, men-
tioned by Brhaspati or just poetic exaggerations.

The term bhiksu hala , occurs in one of the KSrla cave
inscription. 87 Hieun Tsang has stated that the lands, which
were given to the Sangha, were under the control of monks.
Since the monks were not agriculturists, the lands were allotted
to agriculturists, who had to give 1/6 th of the produce from
that land to the Sangha. The Sahgha had to provide bulls, the
land for cultivation etc., but was not responsible for any other
requirements. 88 Perhaps the measure used for this may be
like brahma hala or as in the case of brahmad&ya danda in the
land grants to brahmans, a liberal measure might have been
used. 13

In the Paithan plates of Rastrakuta Govindalll (794 A.D.),
the term grama hala occurs, which indicates the measure used
m that village. 82 The Udayendiram plates of Nandivarraan
<8th century A.D.) jrefer^ to bhoga hala.*' In the Harsa stone
inscription of the Cahamana Vigraharaja of V.S. 1030 (970
A.D.) a term brhad hala occurs. 88 In the Bhatera plates of

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

47

■Govinda KeSavadeva (1044 A.D.) and Maharaja Yasovarma-
■deva the term bhu hala occurs. 89 These indicate the existence of
hala measures of different sizes apart from the hala measures
related to different number of cows or oxen used.

The term halavaha used in the Bombay Asiatic Society
copper plate of Bhimadeva II 90 and Paramara Dharavarsa-
deva 84 , means that much of land that could be ploughhd with
one plough. The Hathal inscription of Dharavarsadeva (V.S.
1237) refers to an area of land that could be ploughed with
two ploughs. 91 - The Charkhari state inscription of Paramardi-
deva, records a grant of land which could be tilled by five
ploughs in a day. 92

Hade seems to be of a local variations of the term hala. In
the Sanderav stone inscription of Kelh'anadeva (V.S. 1221) of
the Cahamana dynasty of Sambhar, Analadevi granted one
haele of Yugandhari and that some rathakaras also granted
another haele of Yugandhari. This may perhaps mean the
yield of jowar in the land. Hara used as corn measure in
Kathiawar may also perhaps be a variation of hala, which may
also mean the produce by a hala. u

In a copper plate of Candella Madanavarmadeva, dronas
of seed are stated to have been used for sowing 10 halas i.e.
one hala required 3/4 drdna of seed. 96 A hala cultivated 34
amias in Depalpur at the time of Bhoja Paramara. 96 In the
Sunak grant of the CSlukya king Karna, it is stated that 4
halas of land, required 12 pailam of seed corn for sowing.
Hence 1 hala required 3 pailam or 12 seers of seed. 88 Plough
measure is still current in some areas. Kurgi in Marathi is a
land measure that refers to that much of a land ploughed in
one day with a pair of bullocks and a drill plough, the extent
varying from two to eight acres. According to Buchanan, the
usual extent which can be cultivated by one plough is 10 large
bighas or 15 Calcutta bighas of 5 acres (2 hectares) 97 . In Sylhet
district, hala corresponds to about 10J bighas or 3| acres (1.6
hectares). One plough cultivates 10 large bighas or 5 acres
(2 hectares) in Dinajpur and 6 acres (2.4 hectares) in Orissa
while in South India it will be 2\ acres (1 hectare) of wet land
and 5 acres (2 hectares) of dry land.

48

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Sri Padmanath Bhattacharya gives the following table
relating to the measures in Sylhet.

7 cubit

= 1 nala

1 nalax 1 nala

= rekha

4 rekha

= yasti

28 yasti

= kedara

12 kedara

= liala

Thus according to this table hala will be equal to 65,856
cubits that is 3.4 acres 98 (1.5 hectares).

Vadha is an unusual term occuring in the Mahoba plates of
Paramardideva, where it is stated that 5 ploughs could cultivate
60 sq. vadhas ." Therefore 12 sq. vadhas could be cultivated
by 1 plough. Dr. Pushpa Niyogi arrived at the conclusion,
that a vadha is equivalent to 1371.33 sq. yds. 94

Sira occurs in Rgveda, Taittiriya Brdhmana and Vdjaseniya
Samhita, and Pacini’s grammar meaning a plough. 100 In the
Rahan copper plates of Madanapala and Govindacandra the
term Sira denotes the extent of land cultivable by four
ploughs. 25

Kula is an enigmatic term mentioned by Manu. 101 Accord-
ing to the commentators Govinda, Kullukabhatta and Ragbava-
nanda, kula or kulya is as much of land as could be cultivated
by two ploughs. Nandana, however, interprets kula as the
share of one cultivator. 102

In this connection it will not be out of place to refer to the
furrow length, which was termed as furlong in Britain. This
was in use, till recently which indicates that plough measures
were in use in other countries also.

There are many area measures which relate to the quantity
of seeds sown. In many of the inscriptions, the terms like
pataka, kulyayapa, dronavapa, ddhavapa, khdrivapa , pravarta-
vapa, unmana or udamana, khandika, or khanduga, muda, etc.,
which indicate the measure of quantity sown. This system
appears to have been followed till recently in many areas. In
Tamil speaking areas the terni kottai viraippadu stands for the
area required to sow a kottai of paddy (21 marakkal), and it is
said to be equivalent to 1.6 acres (0.6 hectares).

In north Arcot district in Tamilnaiju, the measurement
kani is based upon the sowing capacity, which differs for

area MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

49

*;

%

i

V

i irrigated and unirrigated lands in the ratio of 5:24. Irrigated

\ lands required 1\ Madras measures (Madras measure having

1 a stuck capacity of 105 c.m.) and unirrigated land required

| 36 Madras measures for sowing 103 per Icani.

I Kulyavapa, adhavdpa and dronavapa are terms mainly

\ mentioned in the inscriptions from Bengal. It is hardly seen

i in the literary records, except in the lexicons. According to

| Kullukabhatfa (15 century A.D.), the commentator of Manu,

kulya or kula is as much of a land that can be cultivated by
| two ploughs. 101 The word kulya also means a winnowing

j basket and vapa, the act of throwing or scattering. Therefore,

? the term kulyavapa appears to be associated with the kulya

| measure of seed.

| There is a controversy among scholars as to whether these

> terms kulyavapa, adhavdpa and drdnavapa are to be considered

as the lands, which could be sown either by a kulya, aglhaka or
drdna quantity of seeds either directly or by transplanting the
seedings coming out of these quantities of seeds. The following
information supports the view, that these measures represent
the quantity of the seeds sown. Lexicographers, Medini, Vi6va
and Hemacandra mention that 1 kulya— 8 drona= 32 ddhaka.
Kulya does not find its place in mathematical works, but the
measure khari, equivalent to 16 drbnas, has found its place and
so also ddhaka, which is considered as equal to 4 prasthas.
According to Amara, the word kharivapa, dronavapa and
ddfiavdpa indicate the area of land that could be sown with
seed grains of one khari, drdna or ddhaka. Almost the same
terminology was used by Hemacandra in his Abhidhdna
Cintdrnani. 10i Modern lexicographers, however, differ with each
other. According to Wilson, 1 ddhaka was equal to 4 seers.
Hence a drdna would be 16 seers and kulya 128 seers.
According to Sabadakalpadruma, a drdna is equal to 32 seers.
Then ddhaka and kulya would be 8 and 256 seers respectively.
In the Bengali compilation of Sabdakalpadruma the equivalents
are ddhaka— \6 or 20 seers; drona— 1 maund 14 seers or 2
maunds. Hence one kulya would be between 12 to 16
maunds. 105 Monier Williams states that in Bengal, the equi-
valent of atfhaka is 2 maunds or 164 lbs. This seems to be too
big a unit. According to Apte’s dictionary ddhaka is 7 lbs 11

50

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

ozs, which almost tallies with Sabdakalpadruma. Thus the
values attributed to these measures varied extensively among
different scholars. This is probably because the usages were
different in different regions.

Many scholars have suggested different concepts. Pargitar
has suggested that transplantation was common and that
kulyavapa indicated that area of land which was required to
plant the seedlings of paddy seeds of one kulya in weight.
He explained this from the Faridpur plate 106 , where kulyavapa
was measured by 8x9 nalas, with kulyavapa becoming a little
more then an acre (3^ bighas). He came to this conclusion,
by assuming a nala as of 16 cubits and a cubit of having 19
inches. But in Paharpur plates, the kulyavapa was measured by
6x6 nalas m . Hence kulyavapa must have been measured by
different nalas at different places. Sometimes the nala of
8x9 appears to have been measured by the hands of a particu-
lar person as can be seen by the use of the terms Dharvikarma
hastd ai , hivacandra hasla 106 , etc.

Dr. D C. Sircar, analysing the various facts came to the
conclusion, that loth the systems of planting seedlings and of
sowing seeds were prevalent in Bengal. One maund of paddy
seeds was required for 3 bighas for sowing, while seedlings of
the same weight of paddy required 10 bighas of land for
planting. Seedlings of 1 kulya (16 maunds of paddy) required
128 to 160 bighas, for plantation. Hence a kulyavapa will be
equal to 128 to 160 bighas, dronavcipa 16 to 20 bighas and
fidkavapa 4 to 5 bighas according to the transplantation con-
cept. However, according to the system of direct sowing seeds
these measures would be equal to 38 to 48 bighas, 4\ to 6 and
.ji t0 bighas respectively. Dr Sircar used the following table
for his calculations.

8 musti (8 handful) = 1 kunci
8 kunci (64 handfuls) = 1 puskala
4pu§kala(256 ) — 1 adhaka
4 iidhaka (1024 ” ) = 1 dropa
8 dropa (8192 ” ) = 1 kulya

The earliest record to mention kulyavapa, as a unit of
measurement is in the Dhanaidaha copper plate inscription of
JKLumaragupta I (432 A.D.) 109 and dronavapa in Baigram copper

-AREA MEASURES IN ANC.ENT INDIA

51

plate inscription (448' A.D.) 108 and ddhavapa in the Paharpur
grant (479 A.D.). 107

The relations between dronavapa and kulyavapa can be
.ascertained from the Paharpur copper plate inscription. The
lands donated in that inscription were 1 £ vdstu dronavdpas at
Veta-gohali, 4 dronavdpas at Prsthimapattaka-f-4 drdnavapas at
'Gosaiapunja+2}r dronavdpas at Nitva-gohali, these all together
•equal to 1| kulyavapa, would be 8 drdnavapas d 07

In some of the inscriptions, the term vdpa is not mention-
ed, yet the implication is clear from the context, that the term
.referred to the area of the land in which that much of seed
could be sown. 110

Hemacandra mentions dronika and khdrika as synonyms
for drdrtavapa and kharivdpa. lai In a copper plate of Paramardi-
deva dated V.S. 1233, 7\ drdnas of seed was required for
sowing a particular land. 111 In the Vaillabhattaswamin
temple inscription, it is mentioned that 1 1 drdnas of barley
•were required for two fields, the areas of which are not
otherwise mentioned. 112 According to this inscription, that
•was the standard in use in Gopagiri. Kulyavapa, ddhavapa and
dronavapa arc summarized by Dr. Sachindra Kumar Maity as
follows:

1 ddhavapa =1.2 — 1.5 bighas— 0A5 — 0.56 acres
•4 ddhavapa =1 dronavapa— A . % — 6 bighas =1.8 — 2.24 acres
2 dronavapa— l kulyavapa— 38.4—48 bighas = 14 . 4 — 17.6 acres
5 kulyavapa =1 pataka =192' — 240 bighas— 12 — 88 acre. 113

Another land measure with the term vdpa as the suffix, is
■khandukavapa used in the Penukoptfa plates of the Western
Ganga King Madhava, in which a grant of a plot of land
.measuring 65 keddras and 27 khandukavapas is recorded. 114

In an inscription from East Bengal a term pravartha occurs.
■Owing to lacuna, the word which follows pravartha could not

be deciphered. But it can be stated, that the text referred to
the purchase of an uncertain area of waste land, measured by
. kulyavapa together with one pravarthavapa. Since the price
for pravarthavapa was two dinaras and the price of waste but
cultivable land was four dinaras per kulyavapa, Pargiter con-
cludes th tezffi&nritovdpa must be half of kulyavapa . 116 It is

65915

52' MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

preferable to conclude that pravarthavapa is a fraction of
kulyavapa.

In a plate of Subhiksarajadeva from PandukeSvar, the
terms kharivapa, drdnavapa and nalikavapa were mentioned. 118
Nalikavapa is a new term not found in the literature or other
inscriptions. Dr Sircar concluded, that a nali must be 1/16 of
a drdnavapa. In Childers’ Pali dictionary nali or nalika is
explained as the same as Sanskrit prastha. It appears to be
of varying sizes. Tamil nali is said to be smaller than the
Sinhalese nali, while the Sinhalese nali is said to be half as
much as the Magadha nali} 1 '' In the Madhainagar copper
plate 118 and Sunderban copper plate 119 of Laksmanasena,
kharika is mentioned. Perhaps it may be kharivapa of
Amarakosa. Evidently it will be better to conclude that
nalikavapa is smaller than drdnavapa while kharivapa is bigger
than drdnavapa.

Several Maitraka grants mention another measure prastha -
vapa. 119 a This may mean a measurement of land with a sowing
capacity of a prastha of seeds. Since prastha is £ of an
del hale a, prasthavapa may be J of ddhakavdpa, i.e. 0.4 to 0.5
bighas.

It is interesting to note that in almost- all the terms ending
with vapa, the lands are mentioned as ksetra and not as kedara
except in the Penukonda plates of Madhava. Kgetra normally
refers to a field and kedara refers to water-logged area.
Generally, unless it is a water-logged area, direct method of
sowing is adopted. Hence these measures can be considered
as referring to the direct method and not the transplantation
of seedlings.

Another point to note is that till recently the terms
kulavdy, don , ddha, are current in the eastern districts of
Assam. Though these names sound similar with kulya, drona
and adhaka, there is hardly any similarity in the areas they
represented.

Pataka as a land measure bigger than drona or drdnavapa, is
also found in the inscriptions from Bengal. 120 To mentiona few
examples, in the Anulia copper plate inscription of Laksmana-
sena 131 , the land granted was 1 pataka, 9 dronas, 1 ddhavapa,
37 iinmdnas and 1 kaldnika. In the Gunaigarh copper plate of

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

53

Vainyagupta dated. 507 A.D., 11 patakas of land are referred to
as having been donated in a single village. The information
given in Gunaigarh plates helps to calculate the equivalent of
pataka in relation to clronavapa . These plates refer to separate
lands whose areas are as follows:

Plate

1: 7

patakas and

9

dronavapas

39

2:

28

99

93

3:

23

99

99

99

4:

5: If

99

30

99

Total

8f

patakas

drdnavdpas

After mentioning these areas, the grant states that the total
area was 11 patakas . Hence 2.25 patakas is equal to 90 droya-
vapa that is 1 pataka is equal to 40 dronavdpas . 120

Since 8 dronavapa is equal to a kulyavdpa ) 1 pdtakci will be
equal to 5 kulyavapa or 640 to 800 bighas . This calculation
appears to be hypothetical and improbable, because these grants
of lands would be too large an area (11 pataka would be 7040
or 8800 bighas) 116 for gifting away. ' If the pataka is based on
sowing rather than transplanting then it would be 2112 to 2640
bighas which also would be a very large area for a gift.

A different calculation emerges for pataka in the Saktipur
plate of Laksmanasena 122 , where a brahman Kuvera was given
a gift of 6 patakas in Raghavahatta, Varahakena, Vallihita,
Vijaharapura, Damaravatja and Nimapafaka. The first three
together with Nimapataka measured 36 dronas . Vijaharapura
and Damaravada measured 2 patakas and the total was 89
dronas. Hence two patakas should be taken as 53 drdnas.
Thus the size of the patakas appear to differ in different areas.
It is not clear as to whether the pdfaka was a land measure or
represented a part of a village. According to Abhidhanacinta -
mani it refers to half of a village. 123

In the Naihati copper plate of Vallalasena the term bhupd-
taka is mentioned instead of pataka (7 bhupdtakas , 7 drdnas ,

1 adhaka , 34 unman as 3 kakas). lu

From all these we can only conclude that the term pafaka
refers to an area far bigger than hectare or even part of a
village.

54

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

Unmana or udamana or udana is a common measure men-
tioned in the inscriptions of Bengal.

From the Naihati copper plate of Vallalasena, it is clear
that 40 unmana is smaller than an afyavapa, since the grant,
refers to 7 pataka, 9 dronas 1 adhaka (adhavapa) 40 unmanas-
and 3 kakas (kakini). 124

The lost Sunderban copper plate of Laksmatiasena has been
translated in different manners, by different authors. The grant
consisted of a plot of land of a village called Mapdalagrama,
along with a homestead, measuring 3 bhudrdya, 1 khadika, 23-
unmana and 2| kdkini according to the standard of (dvadas-
ahgula adhika hastena, dvatrimsadhasta parimitomdnend) 32
cubits, a cubit equalling 12 angulas. Jn this sense unmana
would be 32x32 cubits=1024 sq.yds=l/9 bigha (0.15 acre). 125
However, Dr D.C. Sircar has suggested that the first part of
the inscription suggested a cubit of 36 angulas (27 inches) and
the second to the nala of 32 cubits. 126 Considering an adhika
to be of 5 bighas, 45 unmana would be 1 adhavapa. All the-
same, this cannot be considered as conclusive, because the
medical text Caraka Samhita 127 and Sdrangadhdra Samhita ns
equates unmanas with droiia. If this evaluation is considered,

. unmana, perhaps may be equal to a drdnavdpa. However, it
will be safer to conclude that it is a bigger unit than kakini'
but smaller than ddhavdpa.

Kakini or kaka is another term common in the copper
plates from Bengal. 129 Perhaps this term stands for kdni men-
tioned in the literature. W.W. Hunter in his “A Statistical
Account of Bengal" refers to kani, which is a little over an acre
in the Dacca and Mymensingh distiicts of Bengal. 190 In
Sandvip in the Noakhali district of South East Bengal, 16 kdni
is a don (drona) and a kani is of 20 gandas or 80 kadas. Since
30 kanis are regarded as pakhi measure of land (3622 sq. cubits)*
in Faridpur, one kani will be 120 sq. cubits (0.4 acre). 131 In
Tamil speaking areas kani is still in vogue which varies from
1 to 1.32 acres (0.4 to 0.6 hectares).

Garina appears in the India office copper plates of Laksmana-
sena, where 1 drotia , I ddha, 28 gandas minus 1 kaka was.
given as gift. 131 Dr. Sircar vaguely surmises that ganda may
probably be a substitute for udmana. It is I /20th of a kani

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

55

according to him while according to Wilson it is 1/5 of a kdnL
From the measures current in Sandvip in Noakhali district the
following equations are available:

4 kadas 1 gan<Ja

20 gaiidas 1 kapi

16 kapis 1 don (drona) 132

According to this table one gantfa would be 6 sq. cubits
which is also current in Sylhef.

Karisa occurs only in the Buddhist records. In Suvarina-
kakkata Jataka and S&likidara Jataka lu farms of 1000 karisas
are mentioned. According to Childers, 1000 karisas would be
8000 acres. 135 Rhys Davids has taken karisa as the area of
land on which a karisa of seed can be sown. 188 Childers also
states that it is a superficial measure of 4 ammana. The
ammana was probably of 4 bushels. 137 According to this a
karisa would be 16 bushels or 9 to 10 maunds of grain. 9 to
10 maunds can be sown in an area of 10 to 11 acres. Accord*
ing to a scholar 138 , the 1000 karisa mentioned in the Jataka
would be 10,000 or 11,000 acres and that seems to be quite a
large area. Probably the Jataka records are associated with
poetic exaggerations. In Kalinga-Bodhi Jataka the term
rdjakarisa is mentioned. 138 This perhaps may be a royal
measure.

Vrihipitaka occurring in a Maitraka grant, literally means a
plot of land, where the standard sized basketful of paddy could
be sown. 140

Tutna is another land measure, mentioned in a large num-
ber of inscriptions, generally in Andhra. According to Mallaija
it comprises of 25 kuntas and according to Brown it is l/20th
of a putti . Tumu is also nsed as a measurement for weight.
So, in the inscriptions when they are used as iddumu cenu
(two tumus of land), regatfi muttumu (three tumus of land),
pandumu cenu (ten tumus of land) 64 , etc., it probably represents
the sowing capacity. In the Pakala inscriptions dated Saka
1242, it is recorded that in the reign of Mahamandale^wara
Kakatlya Rudradeva Maharaja, the komatis of Nellore gave
wetland having the sowing capacity of 5 tumus. 140 * This
further confirms the fact that this term in relation to area
measure represents the sowing capacity. Some scholars doubt

56 MENSURATION IN A$Ch|_NT INDIA

that' these terms may represent the yielding capacities of land
■rather than the sowing capacities.

Mude mentioned in the Alupa 141 and Kadamba inscrip-
tions 143 , from South Kanara, may also refer to the land having
a sowing capacity of a mude or mudaka of corn.

Adda occurs as land measure in the inscriptions from
Guntur 148 , Mahbubnagar 144 and Khammamett 148 districts in
Andhra Pradesh. Adda is a measurement for wet land,
measured in terms of sowing capacity.

Kliandika, khanduga or khanduva or khandu were generally
units for dry land in Andhra and Karnataka areas but it is not
always rigid. It can also define the area of wet land; but
only the areas will be different. It can be said to represent
6400 sq. yds. of dry land and 10,000 sq. yds. of wet land. It
is also a unit of weight equivalent to khantfi or pufti. As a dry
measure, it varies very much from region to region. For
example it is 409,600 tolas in Belgaum, 13,440 tolas in Mysore
and 128,000 tolas in Coorg. 140

A copper plate from Nagamangala (777 A.D.) indicates,
that Prithvi Kongapi Maharaja Vijaya Skandadeva donated
several khandugas of land for garden, house site and irrigation
along with some waste land for a Jain temple. 147 The editor
suggests that it refers to that much of a land needed for sowing
several khandugas or khanduga, a khanduga being equal to 3
bushels of seeds. In another inscription belonging to the time
of KoDgani II, Avinlta gave several khandis of land to a
brahman Devavarman. 148 In the Gane£ghad copper plates of
Maitraka king Dhruvasena I (Gupta year 207) eight khandas
of land measuring 300 padavartas and two cisterns in the village
of Haryanka were donated to a brahman Dhammila. 149 Hence
one khanda would be 37f padavartas. Kha which is found in a
number of inscriptions, might be an abbreviation of
khanduka. li0

Kolaga is also a land measure occurring in the inscriptions
from 'Karnataka 181 and Andhra. 182 This may represent the
sowing capacity. Solage, salage and soilage occurring in the
various Karnataka grants also refer to the same sowing
capacity. 83

Pu((i which occurs in Andhra inscriptions is of 500 kuntas.

, AREA -MEASURES JN ANCIE^ INDIA

57

JPufti is also a weight and hence it could be the sowing capacity
or eyen, yielding-capacity. As a weight it is a. ton, according
to Brown’s Telugu dictionary. The SQwable capacity of 1 putti
of grain would be 80 acres by transplantation method and 40
acres by direct sowing. The former is known as callakamu and
the latter is known as udupu in the West and East Godavari
districts and nareta in Nellore district. Several inscriptions
refer to puffi , putfendu cenu (one putti of land), aidu-putla-cenu,
(five putfis of land), padi-putta cenu (ten puttis of land) 53 ,
pamdrendu putfa-cenu (twelve puttis of land) 154 , etc. There
seems to be different kinds oV puttis also and one such term is
gal-puffi. 165

Bhumi literally means a land. It is referred to in Satapatha
Brahmana , in relation to land gifts. 150

This measure has been utilized earlier, in Vakataka and
Gupta inscriptions. In the Chammak copper plate inscriptions
of Maharaja Pravarasena II, the village of Carmanaka was
measured by 8000 bhumi according to the royal measure. 167 In
the Dudia plates of Pravarasena II, issued in. his twenty-third
regnal year, grants were made in the Arammi rajya, 25 bhumis
of land at Darbhamalaka in the Candrapura confluence were
granted to Yaksaraya and 60 bhumis at the village of Karma-
kara in the Hiranyapura bhoga to Kaligarman. 158 From these
records, the area which this term represented, could not be
ascertained. But Dr. Mirashi, however, translated bhumi as
nivartana .

In certain places the term bhumi clearly refers to the yield-
ing capacity. IntheGauhati plates of Indrapala, the bhumi
allotted is specified as land in which 4000 measures could be
grown ( Chatuhsahasrotpattika bhumau ). 159 Similarly in the
Nowgong copperplate of Balavarman, the land called Hensive,
with a producing capacity of 4000 measures of rice ( dhdnya -
chatus-sahasrotpattimatl Hensive , abidhana bhumih ), was given
as gift. 160 Two copper plate grants of Ratnapala of Pragjyotisa
(1st half of 11th century A.D.) refer to a price of land, each
producing 2000 measures of rice ( dhanyadviwhasrjtpattika
bhumau)}* 1

In the Camba copper plate inscription of Somavarmadeva
and Asatadeva bhu , bhumi , and bhii ma§aka occur as land ,

58

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

measures. The editor surmises bhumi to be a superficial
measure and bbu as ths shortened form for bhGmi. Bhumafaka
is regarded as one fourth of a bhumi . 16a Certain inscriptions
refer to bhumi in the sense of a land as in the case of * nilam ’ in
the South Indian inscriptions.

There are certain terms which does not come under any of
the above categories, but were prevalent in local usage. The
information available on these terms are given below.

Vati or vatika generally means a garden, enclosure or fence.
This term is very common in the inscriptions from Orissa. It
is defined in Mayamatam as of 5120 sq. dandas 1 * 3 , the latter
being 4 cubits each. According to this calculation a vati will
be 4.48 acres. According to Wilson’s glossary, it is 20 manas.

The terms vapka, mana and gunt ha can be ascertained to a
certain extent from the Kendupatna plates of Narasimha II
(Saka 1217). The land measuring 100 vatikas was granted to
Bhircesvaravarman in four pieces. The first plot was in the
village Vakalag’-ama. The land measured 60 vatikas 7 manas
and 20 gunthas, out of which cattle lands covered 26 vatikas
2 manas and 15 gunthas. Hence the area allotted was 34
vatikas, 5 manas and 5 gunthas. The second plot in
Gadhaigrama measured 40 vatikas , 17 manas and 1 gunfha, of
which the cattle track was 1 1 vatikas, 0 manas 3 gunthas. The
remaining 29 vatikas, 17 manas and 23 gunthas were allotted.
The third plot was in the village of Kalingagrama measuring
10 vapkas, 17 manas and 8 gunthas. Of this the pasture land
covered 1 vatika, 16 manas and 23 gunthas. The remaining 9
vatika, 0 manas and 10 gunthas were granted. The fourth
plot measured 31 vapkas, 15 manas and 6 gurithas, out of
which cattle track and pasture land covered 4 vapkas, 17
manas and 19 gunthas. Therefore, the land allotted was 26
vapkas, 11 manas and 12 gunthas. The total land granted is,
therefore, as follows:

vatikas

manas

gunthas

34

5

5

29

16

23

9

0

10

26

17

12

vatikas 100 0 0

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

59-

Here, mana consisted of 25 gunthas and 20 manas make a
vafika. Since the mana is now regarded as equal to an acre in.
Orissa a vafi must be 20 acres.

Guntha or gun fa is a common land measure in the inscrip-
tions from Andhra and Orissa 166 — this is considered as l/25tb
of a mana at present. Hence, it can be considered as 2 acres..
Generally it varies from 120 to 200 sq. yds. Till recently a
guntha is l/40th of an acre in Karnataka. People do not use-
fortieths when they divide a guntha, but devide it into sixteenth,
of an anna. 8i"x8£"=68 T V sq. ft. is an anna and 16 such
anna is a guntha (sq- ft- or 121 sq. yds.).

Till recently in Kairatnagar zamindari a guntha is a chain
of 60 country feet of unirrigated land and 56 country feet of
irrigated land. The country foot is the length of the foot of the
goddess, in the temple of Kampulapaliyam, which is equal to

ior . 108

TImpira is a rare term mentioned only in the inscriptions-
from Orissa. In a charter of Dharmaraja Manabhita (695-
730 A.D.) of Sailodhbhava family of Kengocla in Orissa, land
was measured in timpira . 166

Pratydndaka occurs in a single inscription, from Tidgundi,
during the time Vikramaditya II (1083 A.D.). King Munja’s-
ancestor Bhlma, was described as the lord of 4000 pratyan-
dakas ( Pratyandakaka chatusahasradebddhipati ). 167

Kunta is a common term in the Andhra inscriptions and'
12x12 sq. hastas according to Sarasangraha ganita. Am
inscription, dated §aka 1140, states that one Vailama setti gave
200 kuntas of wet land to the god, Gaurisvara Mahadeva. 163
Another record registers a gift of 13,000 kuntas, given by
Rudra Perggade for the religious merit of Rudra Mahadeva. 169

Maflu occurs as a measurement for waste land as well as-
garden land. The Pillamari inscription of Saka 1130 refers to*
4 tnatlus of garden land, 2 mafias of waste land. 179

Visa or vtiamu is referred in Tanduvayi inscription and i&
considered as two acres. 171

Paffu occuring in Kurichedu inscription (Saka 1092) 171 and
Timmasamudram inscription 173 cannot be identified.

Kuchchela occuring in the Andhra records is considered as,
25 to 29 acres. 174

60 MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

■Gorru is an unspecified land measure occurring in a few
inscriptions.^ 76 At present at Guntur, gorru is equal to 3.167
acres. It varied from 5, 4, 4.6 and 1.1 acres in South Arcot
district till very recently.

Baralu js a linear standard, measured with a pole of 12
yards. An inscription from Candalur refers to a gift of lands
measured with a pole of 12 baralu , 176

Pedda gadyamu is mentioned in the Mellacherumu inscrip-
tion of §aka 1233. 177 Pedda means big in Telugu and gadyamu,
may have some connection with gajamu or yard.

Cetulu is a measure employed for measuring house-sites in
Andhra. 178 It literally means an arm’s length.

Mullu and mutflu also occur in connection with house-sites.
A Palakol inscription refers to mullu in connection with
grhaksetra. 179 Another inscription also refers to mudlu for a
grhaksetra. 180 Perhaps these terms may be the same as mura
or muraluy which is equal to J yards, corresponding to Tamil
mu lam.

Patikadu or patuka is another measure of land mentioned in
the inscriptions from Andhra 181 . Patuka or patikadu in Telugu
means J of anything.

Kharis of land occurs in the Andhra inscription dated S.S.
1352. It is not clear, whether it refers to the sawing or the
yielding capacity. 18 -*

Hada (Sanskrit Pada) mentioned in Kannada record, s 49 is
considered as £ of a nivartana,

Patha is mentioned in the Timana grant dated 1207 A.D.
The Mehara King Jagadekamalla, perhaps a feudatory of
’Calukya Bhlma II, made a gift of 55 pdthas of land in each of
the two villages, Kambalanti and Pulasara. 183 According to
Wilson and Dr. D.C. Sircar, it is equal to 240 sq. ft. and
perhaps may be synonymous with pataka of Bengal and
padagam of extreme south. It has already been seen that
pa{aka is a very big-land measure leading to several acres.

Paddvarata can be interpreted in several ways. Etymologi-
cally the term suggests the measure by foot. It is one foot each
way or 1 foot square. When the land survey was conducted
in the time of Kulottunga Cola I, his foot measurement
<§ripada) was taken as the unit. 184 This may be the case

AREA MEASURES. IN ANCIENT INDIA 61

with the Maitrakas also, where the royal standard was perhaps
taken into consideration. In one of the gifts of Maitraka king
Dharasena II from Palitana alongwith the other gifts the king
gave sixteen paddvartas as a gift. This is too small an area to
be gifted and mentioned in a grant. 185 In another inscription
of Dharasena II, three hundred and thirtyfive paddvartas of
cultivated land were given to a dik§ita. The land was in five
pieces, 120, 100, 90, 15 and 10 paddvartas , 188 Ten paddvartas
would be a very small size to be cultivated. Perhaps this may
be for a building site or even a well since it was an agricultural
land. As in the case of the Roman concept of mile, the step
rather than the foot might have also been taken into account.

Till recently, in some of the villages in South India, the
foot measure of the Goddess of the local temple which is 10£"'
was taken into acconnt, while measuring land. Here it
represents only the foot and not a step.

Pddavarta has another interpretation also. The term pdda
stands for £ of a circle or square or any thing. Hence, it may
be taken as £ of a bigger unit.

Pdsa may be the equivalent of rajju of Kautilya. During
the reign of Bhima II, Mahipalagave 350 pas as of land yielding
4 khanfikas to one Madhava. 187 Measuring by hempen rope
was mentioned by Abul Fazl. The ancient Greeks used the
cable of 61 ft (600 Greek feet). The rope measure of 32 yds.
was in use in Tamilnadu till recently.

Kedara or key dr, which was current till recently in Sylhet,
can also be traced in the Penukonda plates of Madhava, where
a grant records 65 keddras of land in Karmatuvakjetra, which
could be sown with 27 khaijtfukas of seed (800 to thousand
seers). Kedara literally means a water-logged area. Accord-
ing to Padmanath Bhattacharya’s table, a kedara is 0,3 acre in
Sylhet. 91 Nihar Ranjan Roy has given the following table

which includes kedara.

3 kranti

= 1 kada

4 kada

= 1 ganda

20 ganda

= 1 pana

4 pana

= 1 rekha

4 rekha

=1 yasti

7 yasti

= 1 poa

4 poa

= 1 kedara or keyar (7/8 bjgha) m

*62

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

This table and the table of Padmanath Bhattacharya agree
that 28 yastis make o ntkeddra. Whether the keddra mentioned
in the Penukonda inscription is also of the same area is not
certain

Kdni is still in vogue in South India. Since as a fraction it
is 1/80, Dr D. C. Sircar came to the conclusion that it is 1/80
-of a veil. Actually the term “kani nilam ” refers to a tract of
land. Kdni is mentioned in the ancient Tamil works Tolkdp -
jpiyam and Ndladiyar} m

In some places kani is l/8th of a veli. This term varies
from 0.75 to 1.5 acres. In certain Tamil speaking areas, the
land measure is an area in which a certain quantity of seed
-can be sown, but this is only an estimate. In North Arcot
•district 1\ Madras measures are required to sow a kani of
irrigated land and 36 Madras measures are required to sow a
kani of unirrigated land. The Madras measure is called pa$i
-and was used till recently in Madras bazars, having a stuck
-capacity of 62£ fluid ounces in terms of volume or about
110 tolas of weight of rice, but when heaped it will be about
122 tolas.

Kdni in E. Bengal is a little over an acre in the Dacca and
Mymensing district. In the Faridpur district it is equal to
120 sq. cubits. In Sandvip, in the Noakhali district, kdni is
•equal to I/6th of a doii (drdna) or equal to 20 gantfas or 80
Jca4ds} ZQ In Oriya it is only a hand’s breadth.

The term kdkanika measuring 256 yds in Mayamatam 163
'does not seem to have any connection with kani. *

Muntrigai or mtindiri is actually the fraction 1/320. As a
land measure it is 1 /320th of a veli. According to mathematical
works it is 1/320 of any measure. Mundiri occurs in the
•ancient Tamil works Tolkappiyam and Ndladiydr. 1 ® 0

SW, which literally means a field, occurs as a land measure
in the inscription from Tamilnadu and Kerala. 191 It is
276x276 sq. ft. or 1.75 acres (0.7 hectares) at present.

Kuli is of 576 sq. ft. and 100 kulis make a ma and 20 mas a
veli. Literally kuli means a pit, ma means 1 /20th and Veli a
fence.

It may be noticed from all these area measures of ancient
India described above, most of these area measures were used

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

63

generally for making gifts of land and later on for cadastral
surveys. The same terms appear to denote different regions
even in the same period and also appear to be different in the
same region from period to period, just as in the case of the
linear measures in ancient India.

In different regions, the approach towards measuring out
the lands appeared to have been different. The use of daijdas
of definite hastas appear to be in vogue in many regions from
very ancient times, even though the length of the dantfa was not
uniform at all places. The area measures namely nivartana and
gocarman, though used extensively in most of the regions, it is
really very difficult to say exactly what extent of area they
really represented. Probably, at each place a local standard
dantfa and a local definition of the number of danda squares
■were adopted purely as local standards in relation to these area
measures.

Certain type of area measures were purely regional. The
terms mattar, marutu, kamba , etc., were used mainly in Andhra
and Karnataka regions, while the terms pa{ti, kuli, ma, veli,.
kani, etc., were used in the far South.

For agricultural lands the plough measure like hala appears
to have been used more extensively. The plough measure
concept appears to be in vogue even in other ancient civiliza-
tions also, as seen from the present day furlong, which arose
out of the furrow-length.

On the Eastern regions, the area measures associated with
the quantity of seed sown or based on the yields, were used
more extensively than in the other regions.

Area measures based on sowing capacity was used in other
ancient civilizations also. For example the Palestinian jugon
{which is equal to 13 Roman jugera) is also called korean,
because the land required a kor of seed for sowing. Jugon is
approximately 8.1 acres (about 3.2 hectares). 192

Thus on the whole the area measures of ancient India
appears to have been based purely on local standards and
usage without any all India standardization, just as in the
case of the linear pleasures of those times. Many of these
measures have been in use till very recently in many areas.

64

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

References

1. Rg Veda I, 100, 18; I, 110.5; X, 33.6.

2. Baud hay ana dharmaSanra , III 2, 2-4, p. 288.

3. Scitatapa Samhita , I, 9.

4. Bphaspatismriti , Verse 8.

5. Arthafastra p. 116.

6. 'Nltisara', II, 773, 778.

7. Mahabharata , Santiparva, 140; 21.

8. Vijnaneswara's commentary on Yajnavalkya 1, 210

9. Ddnasagara , 777.

10. Danakhapcla , Vol. I, p. 290.

11. Vratakhanda, Vol. I, 52-53.

12. Gariitatilaka K§etravyavahara, p. 2.

13. IMavari , I, 4-6.

14. /MS/ VIII, p. 146.

15. “Early Indian Economic History ”, p. 508.

16. J27, VIII, 71.

17. C/7, Vol. IV, p. 43, 53, 58,

18. IS/, VI, p. 88.

£/, I, p. 21.

19. I A, VII, p. 33

20. El, V, p. 17.

21. C/4 IV, Part I. p. 38.

El, IX 299.

22. EE IV p. 57.

23. EE IV, p. 204.

24. £/,XX, p. 105.

25. 1A, XVIII, p. 16.

26. £/, XXXIV, p. 32.

27. £7, XXVII, p. 59.

28. £/, III, p. 207.

29. EE IH, p. 213.

30. “Corpus of Inscriptions ofTelugu Districts”, p. 206-208.

31. SII, Vol. XI, pt. II, No. 136.

32. El, XXVIIx, p. 235.

33. “Administration and Social Life under the Pallavas ”, p. 85.

34. SII, Vol. II, p. 350.

35. History of Dharma&fistra, Vol. Ill, p. 145.

36. “ Social and Rural Economy of Northern India (600 B.C.-200 A.D.)”

37. A Study of Economic Condition of Ancient India , p. 83.

38. Indian Culture , Vol. II, p. 429.

39. JBRI, 1958, p. 227.

40. The Economic History of Ancient India , p, 100 A

41 . Indian Epigraphy , p. 41 0.

42. Mahabharata , I, 5023,

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

65

43. Paralara Samhila, XLI, 43.

44. Bfhaspaii Samhita, Verse 9.

45 Satatapa Samhita, I, 15, p. 346.

46. Visnu Samhita , 179.

47. MASR, 1929, No. 70.

48. IA, XIX, p. 274, foot note.

49. EC, VIII, Sb. 135.

50. Fleet, J.F. “Pali, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions from the

Bombay Presidency and parts of the Madras Presidency, London,
1898, No. 219. S

51. El, XIV, p. 365.

52. IA, IV, p. 274.

53. Kl, II, No. 16.

54. El, XII, p. 290.

55. MASR 1927, Nos. 124, 150, 151.

56. Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series, No. 9, p. 52.

57. HAS, No. 13, p. 41, 42.

58. HAS, No. 13, ibid p. 25.

59. ibid p. 141.

60. ibid p. 207.

61. ibid p. 209.

62. ibid p. 109.

63. ibid p. 19, Km. 10.

64. JAHRS, XXXII, p. 102.

65. MASR, 1938, No. 43, 1930, No. 35.

66. IA, V, p. 28.

66a. Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XXII, p. 48.

67. IA, XI, p. 102.

68. El, VIII, p. 283.

69. CII, IV, PI, p. 170. Mirashi considers this as spurinous.

70. MAER, 172 of 1921.

71. ibid 99 of 1914.

72. ibid 7 of 1898.

73. EL, XX, p. 46.

74. MAER 33 of 1900.

75. Aftadhayi III, 2, 10; IV, 4, 97; VI, 3, 83.

76. Manusmjti, VII (119).

77. Atrisamhita, 220, 221.

78. Bfhaspati Smriti, X (28), p. 318.

79. Harpacarita, p. 199.

80. El, XX, p. 21.

81. SII, Vol. II, pt. Ill, p, 372,

82. El, III, p. 109.

83. El, I, p. 316.

84. IA, LVI, p. 50.

85. CII, Vol. IV pt. II, p. 466, 473.

66

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

86. El, VI, p. 116.

87. £7, VII, p. 64.

88. Si-yu-ki by Beal Samuel, I, p. 61.

89. El XIX, p. 277,

IA , XIX, p. 438.

90. IA, XVIII, p. 108.

91. IA, XLIII, p.- 192.

92. Archaeological Survey of India , 1929, 30.

B. El XX, p.128.

93. El XIV, p. 9.

94. “ Contributions to the Economic History of Northern India from the
tenth to the twelfth century A.D., p. 102.

95. IA, XVI, p. 206.

96. IHQ, Vol. VIII, p. 304.

97. Buchanan, Dinajpur, p. 234.

98. IA, LII, p. 18.

99. El XIV, p. 9.

ICO. Vedic Index , Vol. II, p. 451.

101. Manu, VII, 119.

102. ibid , foot note.

103. A Manual of North Arcot District, Vol. II, p . 450.

104. Abhidhanacintamapi, V, 969, Amarakoia, Vaiiyavarga, V, 10.

105. Bharata Kaumudhi , II, p. 343.

106. CBI , p. 80.

107. ibid p. 53,

108. ibidp. 49,

109. tf/rfp. 41.

110. ibidp. 238.

111. £J, p. 43.

112. £/, I, p. 154.

113. Economic Life in Northern India in the Gupta period (A.D. 60-500)
p. 39.

114. El, XVI, p.331.

115. IA, XXXIX, p. 199.

116. £/, XXXI, p. 291.

117. Pali English Dictionary, p. 256.

118. CBI, p. 278.

119. rh/rfp, 291.

119a. C//.IV, Ft. I, p. 78.

120. IHQ, 1930, p. 45.

121. CBI, p. 306.

122. £7 XXI, p. 228,

123. AbhidhanacintSmaiji Tiryakkhaqtja, V, 962.

124. CBI, p. 263.

125. “ The History of Bengal” Vol. I, p. 653.

J26. J1H, XXXVI, No. 1, p. 309.

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INDIA

67

127. Carakasamhita Vol. Ill, Kalpasthana ch. XII, V, 56.

128. Sarngadhdra samhita ch. I, V. 28.

129. CBI, p. 114, 291.

130. Hunter, W.W., Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol. V, p. 448.

131. El, XXV I, p. 1.

132. IE , p. 416.

133. Jataka III, Book: VI, No. 389, p. 184, text p. 293.

134. ibid IV, Book XIV, No. 484, p. 175.

135. Childer's Pali English Dictionary , p. 188.

136. Rhys Davids , Pali English Dictionary , p. 24.

137. Pre-Buddhist India , p. 237.

138. Agrarian and fiscal economy in the Mauryan and Past Maury an age ,
1973, p. 61.

139. Jataka III, Book XIII, No. 449, p. 146.

140. IA, XI, p. 212.

140a. SII, V, No. 86, 26, 1104, 1162; IV, No. 781-A; X No. 494-557.

141. KI, pt. II, No. 6.

142. J5T, XXVII, p. 157.

143. SII , X, No. 472.

144. HAS , No. 19, Mahabubnagar, 9.

145. ibid , Khammamett, 2.

146. HAS, No. 13, p. 205.

147. IA, II, p. 151.

148. IA, V, p. 109.

149. El, III, p. 318,

150. SII, X, Nos. 247, 256, 257, 281, 288, 298.

151. MASR , 1938, No. 38, 92, 1937, No. 32.

152. El, V, p. 205.

153a. MASK, 1938, No. 38, 92.

153. SII, V, No. 119, IV No. 781-A, 5, 125.

154. ibid, No. 110.

155. HAS no 13, p. 109.

156. Satapatha Brahmapa XIII, 5, 4, 24; 6, 2, 18.

157. CII, Vol. V, Inscriptions of the Vakatakas, p. 25.

158. ibid, p. 45.

159. LXVI, p, 113.

160. ibid, p. 285.

161. LXVII, p. 99.

162. IA, XVII, p. 7.

163. Mayamatam , ch, 9, V. 2.

164. £/, XVII, p. 17.

165. CII, V, No. 1046.

166. ibid, No. 488.

167. IA, I, p. 80.

168. NDI, II, Guntur No. 464.

JAHRS, XXXII, p. 102.

68

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

169. NDI, II, No. 322.

170. HAS, No. 13, p. 135.

171. 5//, X, No. 375.

172. NDI, No. 105.

173. ibid, No, 453.

174. ibid, No. 585.

175. VR, XI, Guntur No. 327.

176. ibid. No. 328.

177. HAS, No. 13, p. 89.

178. 57/, X, No. 439.

179. S1I, V, No. 128.

180. ibid. No. 212, 216, 218, 219.

181. HAS, No. 19, Mahabubnagar 5.

182. El, V, p. 53.

183. EA, XI, p. 337.

184. MER, 1912, No. 440.

185. El, XI, p. 104.

186. El, XXII, p. 114.

187. IA, XVIII, p. 112.

188. Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, p. 417.

189. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VIII, p. 188.

190. "Kapiye mundririgai” Tolkdppiyam E|uthadikaram-164.
“Mundiri merkapi mikuvadel” NSladiyOr J64.

191. El, XX, p. 46.

192. Historical metrology, p. 96.

4

Volume measures of Ancient India

THE earliest concepts of volume measures must have arisen in
India in relation to giving offerings at Vedic rites and also in
giving alms and gifts of grains and valuables, as well as, for
rough measures in cooking and other activities. which

is a handful, would have been the earliest and the easily
•conceivable volume measure for such purpose^. Both the
palms cupped together either to receive or to give grains, food,
■etc., can also be a very early practice. Thus, mufti (palmful)
and afijali (the double palmful) must have been the basis for
•conceiving larger volume measures in ancient India. In the
Vedic literature^ the volume measures like afijali and prasfti are
mentioned. In the subsequent periods, many volume measures
came in to use on regional basis, without any standardization
•of general nature. Some of the terms were the same, but the
actual volume they represented differed from area to area and
-also from period to period even in the same area, just as in the
case of linear measures and area measures described in the
•earlier chapters. In this chapter, the various volume measures
in use in ancient India are mentioned in the order of increasing
-volumes and in each case the references are given in the
chronological order of the period in which they were in use.
Efforts were also put in to indicate the volume equivalence
they represented in relation to each reference.

70

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Before going into the details of each measure, it would be
worthwhile to point out briefly a peculiarity in the use of
volume measures, such as kutfava, prastha, aclhaka, drdna, etc.,
as weight measures also in ancient India. An example of a
similar nature can be noted in the modern term ounce. The
same term ounce, when it is used as a volume measure it is
nearly 28.5 cc, and as a weight measure it is 28.5 gm., taking
into consideration the fact that 1 cc of water at 4°C is equal to
1 gm weight. In a similar way in the past in India, the volume
and weight measures were primarily used for the measuring of
grains, using the hollow volume measuring vessels. These were
equated with the weight of that amount of grain which that
vessel can deliver. Here again two variations are possible.
Since the grain can be measured out in a heaped measure, the
weight will be more than the stuck capacity of the same vessel.
These two variations, along with the confusion, relating to
whether one is talking about volume or weight in a given
reference, have created great difficulty in equating the values
given by different authors, at different times and at different
places in ancient India. Efforts have been made in this study,
not only to present the information as available in the inscrip-
tions and literature, but also finally to present them in a
tabular forrn trying to bring out their possible equivalents.

It will also be relevant to mention another aspect here.
S5rngadhara 2 <j in his medical treatise had to use very small
weights and volume measures using seeds of various types (e.g.
raarichi, mustard, sesame, barley, etc,) and relate them to the
terms like atfhuka, etc., in his table relating to weights and
volume of drugs and materials used for making medicines.
These will also be referred to in this study.

which represents the closed fistful is the oldest
volume measure mentioned in Vedic literature. A fist size will
vary considerably from individual to individual. A musfi of
paddy is found to be approximately 60 cc on an average. 60 cc
of paddy approximately weighs 32 gms. Mufti would have
been the most convenient form of measure to give alms, gifts
of grains, etc., in ancient India. Pidi is the counterpart of
mufti in Dravidian languages. Mahavlra’s fodaiika might also

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA 71

be a musti. A musti is said to be equivalent of pala by many
authors.

Prasrti designates, primarily, the hollowed hand stretched
out to receive what is offered. It occurs first in Satapatha
Brahmana as a measure of capacity meaning a handful. Two
palas or two must is constituted a prasrti according to the
Puranas. 3

Ahjali means two handfuls joined together; that is double
of prasrti. In the Purapas and mathematical works 4 , this is
also termed as kudava or sefika. Kudava according to Bhaskara-
carya is a vessel made of earth or similar material, which is in
the shape of a cube measuring 3J angulas in every dimension.
Since Bhaskara considers 8 yavas for an angula, his angula can
be equated with an inch. Thus the volume of kudava would be
(42{ c. angulas or 550 cc approximately). Kudava accord-
ing to the medical text Sdrangadhara samhitaA is a vessel made
of mud, wood or bamboo having 4 angulas diameter and 4
angulas in height.

tt cftr f ?qf sfor t

Considering angula as 6 yava pramSpa, which is equal to
|", a kudava would be about 330 cc. This is in relation to
Magadhamana. Sarangadhara refers to a Kalingamana also,
which is slightly different from Magadhamana. The term
kutaka appearing as a measure for salt in Harsa stone inscrip-
tion 6 may probably denote a kudava. In Avadanafataka , kudava
is termed as kavada 7 . Modern chdvdo of Gujarat seem to be
the same as kudava.

Kimchi occurs in Varahapurana 8 consisting of 4 prasrti or 8
mustis. This may be synonymous with manika of the medical
texts.

Prastha is a common term in Puranas and mathematical
works measuring 8 prasrtis. A vessel of 5 angulas in height
and 4 angulas in diameter ('T^t’pTr^ TPT’ f^5^T4),

is a prastha according to !§ukra. 9 Since according to fSukra 16
an angula is of 5 yavapramdna, which is equal to 0.6 inch, his
vessel measuring a prastha will be equal to about 37.7 c. inches
(514.58 cc) if it is cylindrical and if it is cuboidal (2"x2’ x3")

72

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

then it would be 12 c. inches (196.65 cc) in capacity. Accord-
ing to Vardhapurana, a prastha, which is also termed as
puskala, is equal to 64 muftis, which will be 4 times larger than
in other references. In Kanakkusaram 11 , a text book in
Malayalam, prastha is considered as being equal to an idangali,
which is approximately 2 litres.

A solitary inscription from Mathura refers to a prastha of
salt. 12

Taking into consideration the fact, that a mufti is approxi-
mately 60 cc and since a prastha is equal to 8 prasftis or 16
muftis, a prastha can be just short of a litre in volume and this
fits in with that of faukraniti. According to Sarngadhara, dry
and liquid measures are one and the same upto kuclava. From
prastha onwards liquids are measured by a standard, double
that of dry materials. 1 ®

srwtfwmnwr fs$w i

UR rRT pRTiR fsgtf ! 1:35

Adhaka (alhaka-Pali) is used as a measure of weight as well
as capacity. It is generally accepted as 1 of a drona of 4
prasthas. However, Sukra 9 differs slightly, since he states that
5 prasthas make an adhaka.

Varahamihira distinguishes two types of udhakas, one for
measuring water (water adhaka ) and another for measuring
other materials (ordinary adhaka). The water Sdhaka of 50 palas
was referred to by him for measuring rainwater. He uses this
water adhaka for selecting the suitable building sites as follows.
According to him, the earth dug out of a pit in the house site,
when filled into the water adhaka, should weigh 64 palas, if the
site is suitable for building ^construction. That obviously
indicates that the soil should have a density of at least 1.28 for
building construction. Lighter weight or loose soils would be
unsuitable. Varahami hir a states that these measures are accord-
ing to Magadhamana. 1 * This concept of an adhaka having 50
palas, is also confirmed by Kautilya 15 , who considers the state
revenue measure Of drona, as being equal to 200 palas, a drona
being equal to 4 adhakas.

Monier Williams equates an adhaka with 7 lbs. and 1 1
ounces, which does not fit in with the above calculations, but

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

73

appears to be more in keeping with Sarangadhara and Caraka 1 ®
who consider an adhaka to be equal to 128 palas. Dr. D.C.
Sircar describing the Bengali measures based on mediaeval
Bengali measures described by the medieval Bengali writers on
Smriti, such as Kullukabatta, Raghunandana, and Pancanana
Tarkaratna 17 gives the following table of weight measures.

8 mu$ti (handful) —Icunchi

8 kufichi (64 handful) ~ puskal a

4 pufkala (256 ” ) = adhaka

4 adhaka (1024 ” ) —drdna

8 drdna (8190 ” ) =kulya x 8

Here along with Srlpati 4 , these authors appear to consider
an adhaka to be equal to 256 palas or mustis. 19 The various
■tables of measures according to different authors are given at
the end of this chapter. This higher value for the Bengali
measures is in keeping with the Bengali compilation of
Sabdakalpadruma (quoted by Dr D.C. Sircar), where a Bengali
seer was double the kacha seer used in Western India. Thus
the same term adhaka also appears to have been used to
denote different volume and weights in different parts of India
at various times.

Adhaka and prastha are mentioned in the Mathura inscrip-
tions 12 of Haviska, in relation to an endowment for feeding the
brahmans. In the Bijapur inscription 20 of Rastrakuta Dhavala,
adhaka is used as a measure for wheat and barley. In
the Parasuramdsvara inscription 21 from Bhubaneswar, grain
was measured by ddhaka.

Drdna literally means a trough, vessel or bucket. In
Rgveda n , it specifically designate in plural for vessels holding
soma juice. It is uniformly accepted as a measure constitu-
ting 4 ddhakas or 128 prasytis.

From the Arthasastra of Kautilya 15 , it appears there were
four kinds of dronas, namely harem measure (1 631 palas),
servants measures (175 palas), public measure (187| palas) and
king’s measure (200 palas). There is an uniform difference of
12 \ palas between them. According to medicinal texts*, there
is also a fifth variety measuring 256 palas.

In the Chauhan incsriptions” mention is made of kumdra
drdna and drdni. According to Sarangadhara 24 drdni was a
bigger unit than drdna and was equal to 4 drdrias. In the

74

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Patanarayana inscription 25 the term dronakhdri occurs. This
might be taken as comprising two words drona and khari.
The terms drona and dronavapa as land measures occur mostly
in Gupta inscriptions 28 , which refer to the sowing capacity of
the land.

According to Sarangadhara 27 , kalafa, nalva, ghafa, armana
and unmana are all synonymous with drona.

Khari in Rgvedd 1 * refers to a measure for Soma juice. This
term frequently occurs in inscriptions and literature. 16 dronas
make one khari , according to Arthatidstra 15 , Puranas 3 and
mathematical works. 4 Sukra differs in stating that 20 armanas
(120 adhaka ),as a khdrika. From Lilavati it is clear that khari
or khdrika of Magadha should be a cube measured by one
cubit. A vessel measured by a cubit in every dimension is a
ghanahasta, which in Magadha is called khdrika . “It should be
made of twelve corners or angles formed by surfaces”. (Since
the hasta mentioned by Bhaskara is 24" the volume would be 8
c. ft. (i.e., 0.25 c c). 29 Khari according to medical texts
and Abhidanappadipika : 30 is of 4 dronas , while according to
Jivasarman 31 it is equal to 20 dronas. Khari as a measure for
grains is mentioned in Kalhapa’s Rajatarangini 32 . Perhaps, the
present day khdrbar (ass load) might have derived from khari .

In a grant of Somavarmadeva and A$atadeva 3i , khari
occurs as a measure for grain. Donakari , mentioned in the
Patanarayana inscription 24 is explained by the editor as the
same as the corresponding Marwari word doli. Otherwise the
expression may be taken as comprising drona and khari . In
an inscription of Subkiksarajadeva 34 from Paftduke^var,
kharivapa is mentioned as a land measure. It seems to refer '
to an area of land, where one khari of seed can be sown.

According to Abul Fazl 85 and Moorecraft 36 a khari is equal
to 1960 palas. Considering a p ala to be 3f tolas, khari
corresponds to 177 129/175 lbs. Wilson considers Mm as
equal to 3 bushels and kharwar as 700 to 850 lbs. 37

Mdni or manika seems to be another controversial unit
of measure. Malika consists of 2 kudavas or a prastha accord-
ing to the medical texts and Ain-i-Akbari Zf > whereas it is of 4
dronas or 64 prasthas according to Mahavira. 6 The difference
is too wide in the ratio of 1:128.

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

75-

While describing the equitable distribution of food,.
Divyavdddna 83 mention one manika per unit (eka manika
bhaktasyavasista). In Abhiddnappadipika ZQ manika and droyct'
are considered as synonpmous.

In the Partapgarh inscription 89 , the word, mdni is used as a
measure, for seed, while in the Bhinmal stone inscription 40 the
term mana is mentioned.

The term manika occurs mostly in the inscriptions from
Andhra. Salt, milk, ghee and oil were measured by this
unit. There seem to be several types of manika s, namely,
Sanyambadi-manika a , Deva-manika^ 2 and Nandi-manika 43 .
Sanyambadi-manika mightbe the manika used at a place known
as Sanyambadu. Nandi mdnika might have had the figure of
nandi on it. Mummudi Bhima manika 44 was named after the
king of that name. In Andhra records mana and manika seem
to be synonymous. Whether mdni or manika has any con-
nection with mana as a measure of weight is not clear.

Pravartika is mentioned only by Mahaviracarya, comprising
of 5 khdris. Since the term pravartika stands for something
round, pravartika may be a cylindrical vessel. Pravartavapa>,
as a land measure meaning the sowing capacity of the land
occurs in the inscriptions from East Bengal 45 and it is a
conjecture that it measures half of a kulyavdpa. In the Alagum
inscription of Anhntavarman (regnal year 62) 46 , several pra »
vartas of paddy were given as gift. Dr. Sircar points out that
pauti measuring 10 maunds in Orissa may perhaps be the same
as pravarta.

Kumbha occurs mostly in literature. There is no unanimity
in the quantity it represents. 20 dronas make one kumbha
according to Kautilya and Pura^as while 15 dronas make one
kumbha according to Srldhara 47 and Srlpati. 4 Mahavira
considers kumbha as constituting of 400 dronas . In Anuyoga -
dvara sutra 48 , three types of kumbhas , jaghanya measuring
15 dronas , madhyama measuring 20 dronas and uttama. , meas-
uring 25 dronas are classified. According to Bhavi§yapurana
and Sarangadhara 2 dronas make a kumbha , which is otherwise
termed as siirpa .

Ammanam is a peculiar measure consisting of II dronas :
according to Abhidanappadipika 30 . Childers considers this as.

76

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

a superficial measure equal to 4 karisas .** It is synonymous
with drona according to Sarangadhara. §ukra mentions the
mana as being equivalent to 8 adhakas. The measure
ambanam referred to in the Sangam literature Padirruppattu^a,
may be similar to this. The editor considers ambanam as
-equal to a marakkal, The term ammanam in Ceylon stands
for a measure of 46.08 gallons, which is a far bigger measure
than ambanam.

Kalasa is synonymous with drona according to Saranga-
•dhara. 8 In Sukra’s Nitisara 50 , kalasa is used in the sense of a
pitcher. In certain areas in South India, till recently kufam
and combu, meaning pitcher were used for measuring oil.
Al-beruni 81 equates kalasa with Khvarizmain ghur.

In the Janvara inscriptions 82 of Gajasinghadeva and
Kelhandeva (V.S. 1218) and in Bhinmal stone inscription of
Udayasimhadeva (V.S. 1306) 53 , kalasa was mentioned as a
measure for ghee, while in the Sanchor stone inscription 83 a
muga ( mudga ) was measured by kalasa.

The measure kalasi equivalent to 16 maunds was current
till recently in Gujarat. For measuring milk, however, a
■kala&a of 5 seers was used.

Vaha is the biggest cubic measure mentioned in the tables
given in the books of mathematics and law. 200 drdnas make
•one vaha according to Srfdhara 47 , Srlpati* and Kautilya 16 ,
while Mahavlra considers 320 drdnas as one vaha. Saranga-
•dhara 8 refers to a vahi constituting 4 drdnas, whereas according
to Caraka 16 , vaha is 128 drdnas. For vaha Childers gives the
meaning of a cart load, measuring 20 khdris or 80 drdnas.
With so much of variations, it is difficult to form any conclu-
sion, excepting to state that vaha represents a very large
measuring.

In Gujarat galli is a bullock cart load and this was equal
to 30 maunds (600 kg). In the Telugu bamtfi means a cart.
Bamdi, bamdi peru, bamdi kaftu stand for cart loads. It is
possible that a bullock cart had a quantity of merchandise and
this quantity might have been considered as a definite unit for
purpose of calculations. Generally articles like cotton, betel
leaves, etc., seem to have been measured by the above men-
tioned terms.

Ghafa or ghafika literally means a pot. Kautilya 18 refers to

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

77

a gha}ika equivalent to a quarter of a waraka, the latter being
84 kudumbhas in case of butter and 64 kudumbhas in case of
oil. A kudumbha is synonymous with kuclava or ghata accor-
ding to Sarangadhara 13 and is equivalent to a drona. Ghafa
or ghatika might be a pot shaped vessel for measuring.

The term ghataka occurs in the Mathura inscription of
Haviska. 11 Rajor record 54 refers to a levy of 2 pdlikas on j
every ghataka-kupaka of clarified butter and oil. In the j
Siyodoni records 55 , a tax of a ghatika pala of milk from every
iron pan of confectionaries is mentioned. Ghataka as a capacity
measure occurs in the Bak§ali manuscript 56 * also.

Gdni literally means a sack and its Dravidian counterpart
is koni. Sarangadhara 5 considers vahi, drorii and gdni as.
synonymous, measuring 4 dronas, while Caraka 16 considers
gdni as synonymous with khari and bhara which also measures
4 dronas.

The term goni prasrti, mentioned in the Mathura prasasti 58
of the reign of Vijayapala, is mentioned by Colebrook 67 as.
a combination of goni meaning a large measure equal to
4 kharis and prasrti meaning a handful equal to 2 palas. In
the Dubhund stone inscription 58 of Kachchapaghata Vikrama
simha, (V.S. 1145) a tax of one vimiopaka was laid on each
goni. A land with a sowing capacity of 4 gdnis of wheat is.
also mentioned. 68

At present guiia in Gujarat is equivalent to 5 maunds or
a quintal, which is almost the same in South India, but i s.
termed as koni.

Pali, palika, paila, payali are terms which occur mostly in
inscriptions and rarely in literature. These terms are used in.
measuring oil and ghee. In Rajor inscription 64 , Partapgarh
inscription 39 , Arthuna inscription 89 , Nadlai stone inscription.
(V.S. 1 1 89) 60 of Rayapala and Vaillabhattasvdmin temple insc-
ription 61 , the term palika occurs; while in the Mathura prasasti-
of the reign of Vijayapala 56 and ,Anava<Ja stone inscription 61 *
of Sarangadeva the term pali is used for measuring oil, and
ghee. In Junagadh inscription 62 of Samantasimha, Sanchor stone
inscription 6 ^ of Pratapasimha, in two of the Nadlai stone
inscriptions 64 of Rayapala (V.S. 1202 and 1203), the term p&iJa-
occurs. Perhaps all these terms may be synonymous. Opinions.

*78

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

“differ about this measure. Dr. Bhandarkar on local enquiries
at Godwad came across the following table:

4 paila = payali

5 payali = mana

4 mana = sei

2 sei = man

In the Gauitasara of Sridhara a different table is given:

4 pavala = pali
4 pali = mana

4 mana = sei

3 sei = pad aka

4 padaka = hari

4 hari = mani

From this table Dr. Sandesara 47 concludes ^that paila or
pdili is equal to 4 lbs.

The word pailam occurs on the Sunak grant of the
Calukya king Karua I, which was identified by Buhler as
-equal to modern payali (4 seers or 2 kg). J.J. Modi 66 holds
that pailam is the same as pallu or pallo of Gujarat represent-
ing 6\ maunds. Padmanath Bhattacharya 67 gives a different
table according to certain quarters in Sylhet:

1\ seers (paddy) — pura

16 pura — bhuta

16 bhuta — paila

Unlike in Gujarat, where seer seems to weigh 1.2 lbs, the
-seer in Sylhet is about 2 lbs. Hence paila would be 16
maunds. Perhaps this may' be like the Gujarati term pajo
meaning a large vertical cylindrical container of earthen or
bamboo chips for storing corn.

A peep into Sanchor inscription 63 ^ proves, that paila is a
smaller measure than a maund. Here it is stated that Kamala-
■devi, queen of Pratapasimha renovated the temple of VaseS-
vara. For the maintenance of the temple a gift was made of a
field as well as two pdilis on every man of each commodity
from the custom house.

In the Nadlai stone inscription 60 of Rayapala (V.S. 1200),
rauta Rajadeva made a grant consisting of one vimsopaka coin
from the value of the pailas accruing to him and two palikas
:from the palas of oil due to him from every ghayaka or oil

VOLUME MEASURPS OF ANCIENT INDIA

79

mill. In this text it is clear, that paila and palika are different
and since vimsopaka itself is not of very high denomination,
•both paila and palika might not be very big units.

Pali in Gujarati stands for a big ladle or spoon. G.H.
Ojha’s 39 conclusion that palika is the same as pala comprising
6 tolas (69.98 gm) is nearer to this. According to Wilson 88
a pali of gram is equal to 5 to 8 seers and pavali 3£ seeis.
In the present Maharajtra state, the term payali constitutes £
ofamaund. Paili in Gujarat is 1/440 of a kalasi, the latter
being 16 maunds (5.97 quintal). Hence the paili in Gujarat
comes to about 1.3 kg. The term payali generally stands for a
quarter and pavali a cup or cylindrical vessel. It is not out of
place to mention that in Chinese, pailo is a drinking cup of
about 500 gms. Paili in Karnataka is 2.332 kg. From the
above facts pali , palika, payali and paili are supposed to be
different terms measuring differently. At present the different
terms are used as follow:

1. payali £ or 4 seers

2. pavali cup

3. pali big ladle or spoon

4. palo a large vertical cylindrical con-

tainer for storing.

There are certain measures which are found only in South
Indian literature and inscriptions. In the Tirumukkudal inscrip-
tion 69 of Vlrarajendra, most of the following measures found
in Tamilnadu are mentioned. 50 They are sividu, alakku,
uiakku, uri, nali. kuruni, padakku, tiini and kalam, and they
were not only current in the mediaeval times in South India,
but also continued till recently with slight variations. The
following table was given by Dr. Atleker 70 which was in vogue
till recently:

5 Sdvidu

= alakku (220 cc)

2 Slakku

= uiakku (400 cc)

2 uiakku

= uri (800 cc)

2 uri

= nali or padi (1.6 litre)

8 nali

= marakkal (12.8 litre) or kurupi

2 kuruiii

== padakku (25.6 litre)

2 padakku

= tuni (51.2 litre)

3 tupi

= kalam (152.6 litre)

80

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

(The figures in bracket were calculated by the author as
stuck capacity).

Sividu is the smallest measure of capacity mentioned in the
inscriptions from South India. Perhaps Mvidu might have been
derived from the Sanskrit word sdtika. Sevidu might have been
used as a measure of weight as well as capacity, since in an
inscription of Nrpatunga 71 , kayam (asafoetida) and ghee were
measured in sevidu.

Alakku which is a measure for fluid as well as grains is 1/8
of a Madras measure till recently and was a common term in
South Indian inscriptions. It is about 200 cc in volume.
Alakku may be a derivation from the Tamil word, ‘alaviC
meaning a measure.

Ulakku which is one fourth of a Madras measure till
recently was also common in South Indian inscription measur-
ing 400 cc.

There were several types of ulakku. Ulakku measured by
Arulmolidevan nali was current in the time of Rajendracola in
Kalahasti. 7 - In Vedaranyam itself there were several measures.
Ulakku measured by the measure of Tirumaraikkadan 73 was
popular. Tirumaraikkadu is the Tamil translation for
Vedaranyam. Vedavananayakan measure 74 _ most probably
might be the same and perhaps both may be temple measures.
During the time of Kulottunga Cola III (1207 A.D,) an ulakku
of ghee measured by Karuriakaran nali 76 was gifted to the deity
Tirumaraikkadu Udayan. During the time of the same king
in 1181 and 1182 A.D., the ulakku was also measured by
Vedavananayakan nali 13 . During the time of Rajaraja I (1000
A.D.) in Vedaranyam an ulakku was measured by kana nali.™
Videlviduga ulakku 71 mentioned in the Pallava inscriptions
might be the measure current at that period.

Uri, which frequently appears in the South Indian inscrip-
tions consists of 4 alakkus. There seems to be different uris
also. Pirudu manikka uri 71 of Pallava records might refer
to the standard of Nrpatunga’ s queen. Uri has a stuck
capacity of 800 cc and a heaped capacity of 850 cc.

Nali may be a derivation from nala, meaning a hollow
stalk, generally of bamboo. The nali measure is shaped like
a stalk of a bamboo. As a cubic measure, [in almost all the

VOLUME MBASURBS OF ANCIENT INDIA

81

inscriptions belonging to the kings of South India, this term
is of frequent occurrence.

Several types of ndlis occur in the inscriptions. Idavallan
nali must be referring to the measure at Cidambaram. 77
Arulmolidevan nali, suggests the standard of Parakesari
Rajendra Cola I, while Rajakesari nali, the standard of
Rajaraja. Arulmolidevan nali was smaller than Rajakesari
mli. If of Arulmolidevan nali would measure 1 nali of
Rajakesari,, as understood by the Tirumukkuflal inscription of
Vlrarajendra. 89 In Vedarapyam, during the time of Rajaraja I
(10th century A.D.) kdna nali, Karunakaran nail 78 are men-
tioned. Vedavana ndyakan nali* 0 and Tirumaraikkajan nSli 81
mentioned on the inscriptions from Vedaranyam perhaps may
be the temple measures. As has already been stated, Tiru-
maraikkadu is the Tamil equivalent for the Sanskrit name
Vedaranyam. An inscription 82 from Tiruvarur Thyagaraja-
swamy temple, refers to purf idangondan nali equal to a tudai
ulakku. Kana nali was considered as half of Parakesari nali* 3
In the Pandyan inscriptions pilaya nali, manaya nali, nalva
nall 3i Narayana nali 85 and karu nali occur 86 . A Ganga in-
scription from Kanchipuram refers to Ariyenavalla nali.* 1 Pan-
cavara nali 88 is the measure decided. by Pancavara committee.

Generally a nali is J of a measure and is also known as
padi. Madras measure (padi), when heaped, weighs 132 tolas
and has a stuck capacity of 120 tolas or 62\ fluid ounces (1.6
litres). In Madurai, Cidambaram and other areas, half of this
is considered as the padi. Hence, nali, in and around Madras
must be double of other areas in the South. In certain areas
nali and padi are synonymous.

IdangaU, edanga}i or yedangali 89 is a term found only in
Kerala inscription. It is a cylindrical measure 2f* high and
6f" in diameter or 85 cubic inches (1328 cc) in capacity. It
is said to hold 57,600 grains of kalama nella, a kind of paddy 90 :

Marakkal consists of 8 Madras padis. It was formerly con-
sidered as a measure of 750 c. inches, but later on fixed as 800
c. inches according to Wilson. 91 Princep 91 a, however, con-
sidered a marakkal to be equal to 27 lbs, 2 oz, 2 dr of
water or 2J Imperial gallons. The standard as fixed in 1846
makes ? marakkal equal to 28 lbs, 12 oz, 13 dr, 22 gr or 2 T \

82

MBNSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Imperial gallons. 28 Makrakkal also seems to have differed in
different areas in the past also. Marakkal measured by
Adavallan and Rajakesari measures were current in and around
Tanjore area. Marakkal measured by Pirilamai measure in
South Arcot district must be larger than the ordinary marakkal,
since it was equivalent to 10 and not 8 nalis. In South Arcot
district another marakkal, measured by the Madevi (corrupt for
Mahadevi) measure also occurs. At Annamalai, marakkal was
ftxedjby Annama measure and at Takkolam by Kavaramoli
measure. 70 Uchchilninna Narayanamarakkal was used in
Tirupati. 92 It may be noted that the marakkal is bound to
differ with differentraa/i measures. That Kana nSli was half of
Parakesari nali can be ascertained from 1 1th century inscrip-
tion from Pirimiyam. 83 When marakkal is measured with kUna
n&ji, it would be half of the marakkal measure by Parakesari
nSli. Panchavara marakkal was less than ordinary marakkal
by an uri (i.e. Panchavara marakkal was measured as 7 nali and
a uri by Rajakesari measure) Rajakesari marakkal measured 8
nalis by Rajakesari nali. 93

Though the measure marakkal was in usage generally in
South, it differed in capacity in each district. In Sholinghur
and Arpi, marakkal was 2\ heaped patfis while in Tirupati as in
Madras it was 8 heaped padis and in Vellore 4 heaped padis.
Hence this measure seems to have variations associated with
the local usage.

Padakku mentioned often as a corn measure in the South
Indian inscriptions comprises 16 nali. It was in vogue till
recently. Padakku and tuni occurs in Tolkappiyam. BS a Altekar
considers padakku as equal to 12 lbs., while according to
Princep it is 54 lbs and 4 ozs. (The latter seems to be closer to
the author’s calculation). The Gujarati commentary on
■Gaftirasara refers to a padakku as comprising 12 maunds 47 ,
which is a very big unit.

Tuni consists of 32 nali or 1 \ maunds. Though this is often
■found in the inscriptions, it was out of usage. According to
.Kanakkusaram 11 it is | of a kalam.

Kalam literally means ‘a lot’, thereby showing that this term
stands for a large volume. It was prevalent till recently in
South India. Kalam in and around Madras is double that of

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

83

the other areas in the South. 96 nalis or 12 marakkals normally
make one kalam, which is roughly equal to 3 maunds of rice.
The capacity of kalam also seems to vary at different places.
According to the Tirumukkudal inscription 89 of VIrarajendra
one kalam of Rajakesari measure was equal to 1 kalam 1
tuni+4 rtali of Arulmolidevan kalam, thereby showing that a
kalam of Rajakesari measure is bigger than the kalam,
measured by Arulmolidevan kalam.

Parra or parai is of 5 marakkals . Tu It is referred to in the
ancient Tamil work $ilappadikaram. H

Podhi 11 constitutes of 20 idangalis or 640 aj.akkus. Podhi
literally means a big heap. Parra and podhi are common
measures in Kerala.

K5tfai w is another measure peculiar to Tamilnadu and
Kerala and varies from 21 to 24 marakkals.

The measures in Kerala and Tamilnadu are similar in their
nomenclature, but they seem to differ in their capacities. The
following tables are from the Malayalam work Kanakkusd-
ram. 11 The figures in the brackets are equivalents worked out
by the author.

360 nelmaui
5 cavada
8 alakku
4 chirunali
20 edangali

Table I

= cavada (13 c.c.)

== alakku (65 cc)

= chirunali (520 cc)

= edangali (208 litres)
= podhi (41.63 litres)
Table II

4 chirunali = prastha (2.08 litre)

4 prastha ' = adhaka (8.32 litre)

4 adhaka = dropa (3.28 litre)

16 dropa = khari (552.48 litre)

These measures have been in use in Kerala till very recently.
These are certain measures which can be traced only in Andhra

and Karpataka regions.

Gidda according to Vyavaharagariita 96 is £ of a sallage. The
Vardhamanapuram inscription 97 (A.D. 1244) refers to gidda.
It may be a gill or liquid ounce.

Gafemata or spoon is referred to in an inscription 98 as a
measure of oil, but its quantity is not specified.

84

MENSURATION OE ANCIENT INDIA

Sontige mentioned in the Ratta inscription", can be
translated as a ladleful.

Citti lm is also a very small measure and is £ of a sola.

Sallage 101 or sola 102 is a most popular measure for grains.
According to Pavaluru Mallana 103 , it is a f grain measure with
a capacity to hold 900 grains. Sallage is £ of a manika or
of a tumu according to Wilson 101 . At present it is £ of a bal!a. 10S

Balia is a common measure referred to in KarpStaka
inscriptions 101 , for measuring rice, oil, ghee, curd, etc. It is £
of a kolage. In Tulu it is equal to a seer. According to
Wilson 107 it is of 48 double handfuls ( anjali ).

Kumca or kumchamu as a measure for grains and liquids is
found in the inscriptions from Andhra. According to Wilson 10 *
it varies from 1/10 seer, 3£ seer, and 8 to 14 seers. Kumca is
£ of a tumu and equal to 4 manikas. Mummudi Bhimakumca l09,
Pro!akumca u ° and kollakumcamu 111 are the different types of
this measure found in the inscriptions.

Kolaga 101 as a measure for grains is common in Karnataka.
Wilson considers kolaga as a measure weighing 3 bushels or
1/20 of a khanduga U2 . 4 ballas make a kolaga, according to
Rajaditya’s Vyavaharaganita. In Mysore, Sultani kolaga was
16 seers, while Krisnaraja kolaga was 8 seers and khararu
kolaga was 10 seers. In South Kanara sikka kolaga and gent
kolaga were in vogue. But generally kolaga was 1/20 of a

khandi.

Tumu, a common measure in Andhra, is 1 /20 of a putti or
khandi. It is also used as a land measure.

An inscription 113 dated Saka 1230 mentions biyayumu
tumudu (one tumu of rice), minimulu tumu (one tumu of black
gram), etc. Mummudi Bhimatumu 114, , Nanditumu 116 , are other
types of tumus. Pandumuneyi 116 (10 tumus of ghee), and
fddumubiyyamu 111 (2 tumus of rice) are also referred to in.
inscriptions.

Putti is the biggest cubic measure found in the literature
and inscriptions 118 from Andhra and constitute 20 tumus,.
having a capacity of 14941.653 c. inches. 110 It is the same as.
khandi or khanduga. Pella putti is a smaller putti, measuring
80 kumcas, While malaca putti, which is a bigger one, measures.
400 kumca} 20 It is also used as a weight equal to a ton and

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

85

also used as a land measure.

Khanduga is the counter part for pu\ti in Karnataka. Khandi
in Mahara?tra and Gujarat are also synonymous. It is a
weight as well as a measure of capacity and varies in different
places for different articles.

Generally khandi constitute 20 maunds. Since the maund
itself differs from place to place khaiitfi also differs. According
to Rajaditya 20 kolaga make a khanduga. It is difficult to
surmise from a Cera inscription 121 whether khanduga represents
weight or volume.

There are certain measures which are rarely found in the
inscriptions and hardly in literature and they are difficult to be
identified properly.

Tauva or tamuva 122 which is ciphered as ‘ta’ was found in
Andhra inscriptions, for measuring green gram, ghee etc.,
without any specification.

Vajjani of sugar-cane juice is mentioned in an inscription 12 *
from Dharwar.

Kona of salt and ghee occurs in the same inscription. 123 .

Halige and koda 1H were used as measures of oil in
Karnataka inscriptions.

The volume measures in general appear to have followed
the quarternary system, except in few cases measured by Sukra
in his feukranlti.

The regional variations appear to be not merely in the type
of usage of a particular measure, (whether as volume measure,
weight measure or land measure), but also in actual quatities
they represented. Till very recently the measures in Eastern
India appeared to have been twice the size of the corresponding
Western Indian measures. For example, till recently the man
was equal to 40 seers, but the weight of a seer was 32 and 40
tolas in Gujarat and Mahara$tra, it was based on 80 tola as a
seer in Bengal and 118 to la as a seer in Orissa. The name of
the measures in Kerala and Tamilnadu remained the same,
even though the quantity represented by the corresponding
Kerala measure was smaller in volume.

Many rulers appear to have established their own measures,
usually larger in size than that of his predecessor, probably to
show his greatness. We have such examples in thfc Coja*

86

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

dynasty in the South and also in Karnataka. Some of the big
temples in the South appear to have had their own measures
like Admllan measure, which is the measure related to the
Cidambaram temple, usually larger in volume than the
common measures.

It was found difficult to relate these ancient Indian measures
to the ancient Western measures, because just as in India,
various European regions also appeared to have followed
different measures and systems. Neither the names nor the
volumes represented by them could be calculated and equated,,
with these ancient Indian measures.

It can be concluded, that the volume measures in ancient
India evolved not on a carefully standardized but on the basis,
of regional standards and local usages and remained so for
long periods of time, as useful basis for various transactions.

References

1. Satapatha Brdhmana, Vol. Ill, 4, 5, 10, 7;

"Prasj-ta matram anjali matram va’\

2a. Sdrangadhara Samhita , ch. I.

2. Ganitas&rasamgrha, ch. I.

3. Bhavifyapurfipa, 1969.

4. Ltldvati, ch. I, paribha$a.

Gapitatilaka, p. 2.

4a. Miscellaneous Essays, II, p« 537.

5. Sdrangadhara Samhita 1:35.

6. EL II, p. 16.

7. Avad&nasataka ch. XXX III, p. 175.

8. VarShapurana quoted by Hemadri. * Vratakhdnda V p. 58.

9. Sukra; Nltisdra II 775-8 .

10. ibid 1; 196-198.

11. Kayakhusdram ch. I. V. 15.

12. J57XXI, p. 55.

13. Sdrangadhara Samhita 1:33.

14. Bfhatsamhita LIV: II: XXII, 2,

15. Artkaidstra, cb . XX.

16. CarakasamhitaVol. Ill, Kalpasthana, ch. Ill p. 3618-3621.

17. Mdnavadharmasutram Part. II, VII C XXVI.

18. Indian epigraphy, p. 418.

19. Bharata Kaumudhi; part II, p. 947,

20. ei, X* p. i7. ■ :

%

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

21. El, XXVI, p. 120.

22. Rg Veda, IX, 157.

Vedic Index , Vol. II, p. 477.

23. Early ChauMn Dynasties , p. 181.

24. Sarangadhura Samhita, 1:40.

25. IA, XLA, p. 177.

26. Bharata Kaumudhi , II, p, 943.

27. Sdrangadhara Samhita , 1:38.

28. PWa, IV, 32, 17; Vedic Index, I; p. 216.

29. Ancient Indian Weights , p. 27.

30. Abhiddnappadipika , p. 3.

31. Contributions to the Economic History of Northern India , p. 212,

32. Rdjatarangini , Vo], I, VIII, 220.

33. L4,XVII, p. 7.

34. £7, XXI, p. 291.

35. Ain-IAkbari , Vol. Ill, p. 137.

36. Travels in the Himalayan Provinces, (1819-35), Vol. II, p. 135.

37. Wilson,, p. 280, 281.

38. Divyavddana, p. 293-95.

39. El, XIV, p. 176.

40. El, XI, p. 55.

41. SII, No. 712.

42. HAS, No. 19. Mn. 16.

43. SII, V, Nos. 123, 126, 127, 130, 136.

44. JAHRS , XXXII, p. Ill,

45. IA, XXXIX, p. 199.

46. El, XXIX, p. 44.

47. JNSf, Vol. VIII, p. 146.

47a. South Indian Polity , p. 156.

48. Anuyogadvd’-a Sutra , Sutra 132.

49. Chil ders, D.C., Dictionary of Pali Language , p. 188.

50. Nuisdra, IV, 4, 275-8.

51. AlberunVs India, pc, I, p, 166.

52. El, I, p. 211.

53. £7, XI, p, 55.

53a. El, XI, p. 57.

54. El, III, p. 263.

55. £7,1, p. 162.

55a. Bakfdli manuscript , p. 62.

56. El, I, p. 287. , ; ,

57. Miscellaneous Essays, I, p. '531*

58. El, II, p. 232.

59. El, XIV, p. 295. , '

60. El,X I, 34. , ...

,61. El, I, pi 154, ' - . 1 1 :

61a. I A, XCI, p. 20. .. , :v.V/

88

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

62. El, XI, p. 59.
t>3. ibid, p. 65.

64. ibid, p. 41, 42.

65. El, I, p. 316.

66. 1A, HI, p. 249.

67. ibid, p. 18.

68. Wilson, p. 392, 413.

69. El, XXI, p. 220.

70. R8ftraku(as and their times, 376.

71. Administration and social life under the Pallavas, p. 85.

72. S1I, XVII, No. 319, 325.

73. ibid, Nos. 486, 482, 528, 530.

74. ibid, XIX, Nos. 157, 195, 465.

75. ibid, SVII, No. 446.

76. ibid. No. 467.

77. ibid, XVII, No. 467.

78. ibid, No. 446.

79. ibid, No. 509.

80. ibid, No. 445, 449.

81. ibid, 465, XIX, No. 157-158.

82. ibid, XVII, No. 601.

83. El, XXX, p. 103.

84. MER, 283 of 1901.

85. SI I, XIV, No. 12 A, 48.

86. MER, 162 of 1912.

87. El, XXI, p. 95.

88. El, XXIII, p. 25.

89. El, XXVIII, p. 216.

90. ibid, p. 152.

91. Wilson, p. 331.

91a. Useful Tables, Vol. II, p. 114.

92. Tirupati inscriptions, 68 (137 TT).

93. MAER, No. 26 of 1921.

93a. ‘Padakkumun— Tunikkijavi’, Tolkappiyam EJuththadikaram, 239.

94. Silappadikaram, 14, 208.

95. Rangacharya, V., Topographical inscriptions of the Madras Presi-
dency, Vol. III. 278 W.

96. Bharata Kaumudhi 1945, p. 129.

97. HAS, No. 13, p. 108-9.

98. JAHRS, IV, p. 80.

99. JBBRAS, X, p. 199.

100. “ Economic life in the Vijayanagar empire ” p. 188.

101. El, XIX, p. 30.

102. Sll, IV, Nos. 754. , s

103. Sarasangraha gapita of Pavalilru Mallana quoted by Vaideni
Krishnamurthy "Social and Economic condition in Eastern Deccan
(. 10C0 A.D.—1250 A.D.)” p. 115.

VOLUME MEASURES OF ANCIENT INDIA

89

104. Wilson, p. 485.

105. Burrow, T. and Emenue, M.B., " A Dravidian etymological Dic-
tionary", 4350.

106. ibid , 4350.

107. Wilson, p. 52.

108. ibid, p. 302.

109. SII, V, No. 105.

110. ibid. No. 66.

111. HAS, No. 19, Ng. 1 and 3.

112. Wilson, p. 292.

113. SII, V, No. 1214.

114. ibid, IV, No. 1384.

115. ibid, V, No. 125.

116. ibid. No. 1162.

117. ibid, X, No. 340.

118. Rangacharya, III, p. 1945.

119. Wilson, p. 430.

120. JAHRS, IV, p. 80.

121. 1A, XVIII, p. 109.

122. SII, IV, Nos. 729, 730, 1001.

123. IA, XII, p. 255.

124. El, III, p. 23.

90

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CHART II

Kri§pala

Masaka

Pa] a

Prastha

A(jhaka

Drona

Sodasika

Ku^ava

Prastha

A(Jhaka

Drona

Maiji

Khari

Pravartika

Kumbha

Vaha

ArHARYA VEDA

Kri Ma Pa

1

5 1

64 1

BAKSHALI

Pra Adh Dro

Pa

Pra

Ku

Pra

Adh

Dho Kha

Pala

1

Praspti

2

1

!

Ku^lava

4

2

1

Prastha

32

8

4

1

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128

32

16

4

1

Droija

256

128

64

16

4

1

Khari

4096

2048 1024

256

64

16

VARAHAMIHIRA

Dry Measure

Liquid Measure

Pa

Ku

Pra

Adh

Pa

Ku

Pra Adh.

Pala

1

1

Kutfava

4

1

8

1

Prastha

16

4

1

32

4

1

A<Jhaka

64

16

4

1

121

16

4 1

KAUTILYA

Ku

Pra

Adh

Djo

Kha Kum Vaha

Ku<Jumbha

1

Prastha

4

1

Atfhaka

16'

4

1

Drooa

64

16

4

1

Khari

1024

256

. 64

16

1

Kumbha

1280

320

80

20

1.25 1

Vaha

20480

51200

12000 '

200

12.5 10 1

MAHAVIRA

Sho
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Ku

4

1

16

4

64

16

256

64

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256

4096

1024

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80 20

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5

Weights in Ancient India

COMPARED with the measurement of length and volume,,
measurements of weights are later developments, the reason
being that weights and balances are complicated equipments
unlike the linear measures, where parts of the human body can.
be used.

Weights and balances were used for weighing precious
metals 1 in the beginning and later on for other commodities.
As in the case of linear and cubic measures, in the weights also
minute particles like trasarenu, a^u, etc., are mentioned in the
literature. The weights of sesame, paddy, etc., ,are of hardly
any use while measuring materials other than precious metals,
few medicinal herbs and spices. Since the evolutions of smaller
weights were associated with the weighing of precious metals
and precious stones in ancient India, it is being dealt with
separately later on. Palam is the recognized practical weight
measure in general use in ancient India and was perhaps equa-
ted with the weight of a handful of paddy. This seems to be
reasonable though a primitive approach.

Palam or pala as a common weight standard can be traced 5
from literature and epigraphs. Pala is considered equivalent to
1/40 of a viss or visa in Tamil country. Since viss is' equal to
modern 3 lbs, 1 oz and 5.94 dr, the pala would be 34.5 grams..

k> b

■94

MENSURATION IN ANCIBNT INDIA

.A mus(i of paddy also approximately weighs 32 grams.
Wilson 8 considers palam to be weighing between 35 to 39 grams
-and according to the revised table in 1846, the palam is con-
sidered to be equal to 1 oz and 3.75 grams, that is 34.61
:gms.

The term palam occurs in several South Indian inscriptions.
To quote a few examples, during the time of Rajendra Cola I®
<1020 & 1022 A.D.) the gift of a bell metal (bronze) plate was
measured in palam. Cooked vegetables prepared in the
temples were also measured in palams in an inscription dated
1264 A.D., during the time of Jatavarman Sundara Paqdya' 1 .
In several inscriptions sugar was weighed in palam 6 .

An interesting equivalent for palam is 'rendered in a 11th
•century inscription from Tirumalavadi (Trichy district) during
the time of Rajaraja 6 , when a silver vessel weighing 5 palams
or 77f kalanjus was given by the Queen to the temple of
"Vaidyanatha. According to this inscription a palam is equi-
valent to 15.55 kalanju. Since a kalanju weighs approximately
45 to 50 grains, palam must be 46 to 51 grams approximately,
•during 1 1th century A.D. in Trichy district.

Prastha is considered as a weight by Mahavira 7 for weighing
metals other than gold and silver and is equal to 12J- palas.
Kalhana 8 in Rajatarahgini refers to the erection by Lalitaditya
Muktapida of Bjhad Buddha (Great Buddha), which reached
arp to the sky (colossal image) with thousands of prasthas of
•copper. According to the Petersburg dictionary a prastha is
estimated as equal to 16 palas. Prastha as a cubic measure
is equal to 16 handfuls. Hence, it can also be considered as
•equal to the weight of 16 handfuls or 500 to 550 grams.

Set generally occurs in the inscriptions and literature from
North India. In the Gujarati commentary on Sridhara’s
.Patiganita?, a sei is equivalent to 16 paili or 1/16 of a kalasi.
-Since kalasi is 16 mounds, sei may perhaps be equivalent to a
maund. Dr. Bhandarkar 10 considers sei as of 20 pUyalis, while
-Pandit Ram Kama 11 opines it as of 15 seers. 64 handfuls make
sei according to Takkur Pheru’s Ganitasara which is about
.24 kg 12 .

A few inscriptions are acquainted with sei. In the
iManglana stone inscription 13 , it is mentioned as a weight for

1

f

1

| WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT I' DIA 95

j korada corn, while in the Bhinmal stone inscription 14 it occurs

| as a weight for wheat. In Lalrai stone inscription of Lakkana-

pala and Abhayapala 14 , it is referred to as a weight for barley
and corn.

Seer is a different weight from sei. In Madras State 8
palams constitute a seer and is 1/5 of a viss. Considering viss
or visa as 3 lbs, 1 oz, 5.94 dr, a seer would be 275 to 280
grams approximately. Seer in Gujarat is of 466.5 grams or
1/40 of a maund. The seer seems to have varied considerably
throughout the ages. According to Abul Fazl, the seer which
was used formerly in Hindustan was equal to the weight of
either 18 dams or 22 dams. In the beginning of Akbar’s reign,
however, it had the standard of 28 dams in weight, but it was
raised to 30 dams before the Ain was written. The dam should
have weighed 222.7 grains. The seer of Jehangir was of 36
dams and of Shah Jehan 40 dams. Hence the seer varied from
600 to 850 grams. At present generally a seer is considered as
equal to 466.5 grams. The Greek mina was 430 grams, while
the Hebrew mina 500 grams.

Viss or visa is a weight standard, used till recently in South
India. The term 'visai' in Tamil, literally means division and
visam the fraction 1/16. Perhaps viss may be a derivation
from the Sanskrit word * vihitd ’ meaning distributed. Till
recently it was equal to 5 seers or 40 palams or 1/8 of a maund
or 3 lbs, 1 oz, 5.94 dr. Alberuni 16 mentions a measure named
bisi equal to 1/12 of a kalasa or J of a mdna or 1/16 of a panti.
Whether these have any connection with visa is difficult to
ascertain. He compares bisi, with Khwarizmian sukhkh, which
is 1/12 of a ghur.

In an inscription of Vikramaditya II (732 A.D.) 17 from
Karpataka visa is mentioned alongwith several gifts. 5 visa on
each bhanda peru ( heru is 60 seers or sack of corn) was
mentioned.

Sir Walter Elliot 18 gives the representation of two old iron
weights. One is circular, weighing 3 lbs, 1 oz, 4 dr and has on
one side the boar crest (Calukyan emblem) and above it a sun
and moon and on the other it is engraved “Pramadicha Sam,
vi 1” i.e. Pramadicha Samvatasara, 1 visa. The other is
octagonal weighing 12 ozs, 2 dr. If has on the front only a

96

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

sword, with the sun and moon and below them the words.
‘Pramadicham vi J, i.e. ‘a quarter visa stamped in Pramadicha
Samvatsara’.

Mana, manako, manangu and manangulu ( Telugu ) are
derivation [from the Sanskrit work mana to measure.
Wilson 19 considers mana as a derivation from Persian mcineh
but his argument is not valid, since maneh is a small weight.
The maneh varies from 400 to 900 gram in Persia, Egypt*
Syria, etc.

In the Gujarati commentary on Patiganita 9 in one table a.
man is considered to be equivalent to 24 palas, which is a small
measure. Pavaluru Mallana 20 gives varying tables for man-
angulu ranging from 40 to 80 seers.

An inscription dated 732 A.D. during the time of Vikrama-
ditya II 17 from Karnataka refers to mana, peru, veesa and
bhanda peru. Mana occurs in Bhinmal stone inscription while-
mdnaka occurs in Bijapur inscription 11 and mdni in Lekha-
paddhadi for weighing wheat, barley etc. 21 Manangulu is a
common weight for corn in the Andhra inscriptions.

All these terms may be somewhat referring to the
customary Indian scale of weight man or anglicised maund. The
mana in Karriataka was still recently 16 seers, while in Madras
it is 40 seers (about 25 lb). Man varied from 20, 40, 46 and 64
seers with difference in the weight of seer also. According to
the Indian Regulation VII 1833, 80 tolas are equal to a seer and
40 seers a maund. Tola weighs 180 grains. Hence man weighs

( 180x 80 x40) , . 22

15x10 38.5 kg .

In the Mughal period man was the customary Indian scale
of weight, 40 seers = 1 man was almost used throughout except
for certain regions in the East. North West and in Deccan,
where it either intermingled or coexisted with the other
systems of weight. Man-i-Akbari was based on the seer of 30
dams and was equivalent to 55.32 lb while Man-i-Jehangiri was
based upon the seer of 36 dams, and was equal to 66.38 lb.
Man-i-Shahjehani was measured by the seer equalling to 40
dams and hence man was 73.76 lbs.

The English factors, who visited Surat found | man equal-

WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA

97

mg to lbs 27 or 27.5 lbs in 1611 A.D., while in 1614 A. D., the£
mana weighed 33.19 lbs. Man a varied with different materials. 23

Just as the basic measurement talents of Hebrews (30 kg)
and of Greeks (25.8 kg), mana or manangu or maund was the
basic unit for bulk weight in India.

Bhdraka or bar a literally means bulky or heavy. 20 tulas
make one bhdra according to Kautilya 24 , Sripati 26 and Saranga-
dhara 28 , while 10 tulas make one bhdra according to Mahavira 7
and Hemacandracarya. 27 There is a great deal of confusion,
with the measure tula itself. Tula consists of 100 palas
according to Hemacandra 27 , 200 palas according to Mahavira 7
and 500 palas according to Sripati 26 and 2400 palas according
to Pdtiganita . 9 In Dvydsraya commentary 28 of Purnakalasa
gani , achita or sakat (cart load) is equal to 10 bhdras. Accord-
ing to Alberuni, bhdra , which is 2000 palas is almost equal to
the weight of an ox.

Salt seems to have been weighed in bhdraka in an inscription
from Bhutai in Panchmahal district in Gujarat, dated the 3rd
year of Toramana. 29 Bhdra occurs as a measure for sugar*
jaggery, Bengal madder cotton and coconut in Arthuna inscrip-
tion 30 of Paramara Camundaraya (V.S. 1136). Bdra as a
measure of salt occurs in the Hastikuntji inscription 11 of
Rastrakuta Dhavala.

20 manangu make a bhdram in South India. It also varies
from 20 to 28 tuldms the latter being 100 to 200 palams . Bhdram
is equivalent in some places to 960 seers 31 . 4 khdnqlis make 1
bhdra in Savantwadi district. Though bhdra was in usage, till
recently, it was not found in the mediaeval inscriptions or texts
from South India.

According to Wilson 30 bhdra is used as a weight for weighing
cotton in Gujarat, equal to 20 dharis of 48 seers or 960 seers *
while according to Moreland 32 and Yule 33 bhdra and candil
(perhaps khan 4i) are one and the same. The weight seems
to differ with metals and cotton. The Arabian weight bahar
is equivalent to 20 maunds . Perhaps this may have some connec-
tion with bhdra . The units seer , visa , manangu and bhdram
seem to have entered Tamilnadu through Andhra and
Karnataka influence. They are almost absent in Cera, Cola
and Paiidya records.

MENSURATION JN ANGIBNT INDIA

Mar aka was a measure of weight of barley corn mentioned
an the Lalrai inscription of Kelhanadeva (V.S. 1167) 14 , Sevadi
stone inscription of Asvaraja 34 and in Arthuna inscription. 30
Dr. Bhandarkar suggests that haraka is the same as the Marathi
'‘hara.' meaning a larger basket of particular form and of loose
texture. 24 mana or 6 sei is a hari, according to the Gujarati
•commentary on Pdtiganitak In the Kutch district, a hara is
half of a kalasi, that is 8 maunds, while in Navsari it was 7
.maunds. Perhaps, this may be like the weight heru of
Karnataka, which varies from 1/10 [of akhandi to l/20th of a
khandi.

Kalasi according to the Gujarati commentary on Pa{iganita a
is of 16 sei. Kalasi is 16 maunds in some parts of Gujarat.
In Jamnagar for measuring milk, it is a cubic measure of 5
.seers and for measuring grains and other liquids it is 20 maps.

Kalasi is used, as a measure for oil in the Janvara inscrip-
tion of Gajasinghadeva and Kelhanadeva (V.S. 121 8) 35 and as a
weight for butter in the Bhinraal inscription of Udayasimha-
■deve (V.S. 1336) 10 . Alberuni 16 equates kalasi with khwarizmian
,ghur or equivalent to 12 bisi or 48 man.

The weight of kalasi varies in different places according to
Mirat-e-Ahmadi 36 . In certain areas in South India till recently,
kudam and cembu, meaning a pitcher is used as measure for oil.

Muda was equal to 10 kalasis according to the Gujarati
•commentary on Srldhara, which is also current till recently,
in Kutch. Miita or Mutaka of Lekhapaddhati 37 is 100 or 24
.maunds according to the editor, while Dr. D.C. Sircar 38 testifies
that muda is equal to 40 pakka seers.

Jagadu Shah’s distribution of thousands of mudas of corn,
-during the three years of great famine in 1313 A.D. to 1316
A.D. was described in Jagaducarita 39 and Prabandha
Pahsasati. 10

In the Arthuna inscription 30 of Paramara Camundaraya
•(V.S. 1 136), salt and barley were measured by mutaka. Perhaps
.muda or mutaka may be a desi word derived from Tamil word
muttai meaning a bagful and generally measures either 48
■or 64 Madras measures. Mot stands for load in Hindi and
,muth for bullocks’ rack saddle in Marathi. Muda or mutaka
.might have been derived from any one of these.

WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA

99

Padakku mentioned in the Gujarati commentary on
Pap gay it a is of 3 seers. Padakku occurs only in South Indian
inscriptions with a capacity of 23 or 42 litres. 41 This term
padakku can be traced from the ancient Tamil work
Tolkappiyam. 1 ’-

Khandugu, khandi ka or khandi, seems to be of big bulk and
more common in Karnataka and Andhra aieas.

In a copper plate from Nagamangala (777 A.D.) 43 , Prithvi
Kongapi Maharaja Vijaya Skandadeva donated several
kandugas of land for garden, house site, irrigation along with
waste land, for a Jain temple. The editor suggests as much of
a land needed for sowing a khandugu or 3 bushels of seed. In
•another inscription 44 10 khandugas of paddy were mentioned as
a gift to a brahman.

During the reign of Bhlma II 45 (Calukya), Mahipala
gave 350 pasas of land yielding 4 khandikas to one Madhava,

Several inscriptions 48 refer just to kha which stands for
khanduga or khandi. Khanduga and khandaga in Kannada is
synonymous with khaydi in Marathi and Gujarati.

At present khapduga is used in Kannada and Telugu speak-
ing areas as a weight of 192,200 tolas for silk, sugar, drugs and
cotton. As a dry measure it varies from 409,600 (Belgaum),
134,440 (Mysore) and 128,000 tolas (Coorg) in different places.
Khandi varies with different articles also. Khandi at Masuii-
patnam has 3 weights, namely 488 lbs. for tobacco, 500 lbs for
metals, hardware, etc., and 560 lbs. for sugar, dates and soft
a.ticles. 47 Generally 20 kolage s are equivalent to a khandi. In
the Portuguese records in the 17th century, it is spelt as candil.

Tula comprises 500 palas according to Anuyogadvara-
■sutra u and Srfpati’s Ganitatilaka 85 , while it is 200 palds accord-
ing to MaMvira 7 . Hemacandra 37 and Sarangadhara 89 refers to a
tula of 100 palas which constitute 400 tolas. Tuldm varies from
100 to 200 palas in South India. It varies considerably and it
is also considered as equal to 5 viss. To give an example, in
Goimbatore district 100 palams make a tuldm, a palam being 8
tolas each weighing 180 grains troy. Hence the tuldm would
be 7.8 lbs. Wilson 49 considers tula as a weight between 145 to
190 ounces (4 to 5 kg). Tolu of Gujarat seems to correspond
to this unit and considered to be equal to 10 seers *

100

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

There are certain 'measures which are current in Andhra
and Karnataka which are given as follows.

Kalage was a common measure mentioned in these inscrip-
tions 50 . 8 seers constitute a kolage in Hassan district. Till
recently several kojages were in usage. Sultani kolage of 10
seers , sikka kolage and geni kolage are a few to mention.
Normally kolage is 1 /20th of a khandi. This term kolage is
also used as a volume measure.

An inscription in the time Ratta chief Kartavirya (1024
A.D.) 21 refers to mana , ball a, sallaga he darn and kolage .

Salige or solage is 1/64 of a kolage.

Hedaru may be perhaps heru or goni measuring 1/20 of a
khan#.

Weights relating to precious metals and stones

Weights and balances were first used for weighing gold dust
and not, as might be supposed, for commercial transactions*
The earliest commercial use of weighing was about 2500 B.CL
in the Aryan civilization in the Indus sites 52 and perhaps to a
limited number in the Sumerian cities of Mesopotamia. 63 In
Egypt all the evidence shows commerce by barter only, the
first indication of the use of the balance in ordinary trade
being as late as 1350 B.C. The earliest pictorical evidence of
weighing in Egypt, dating back to the period of Dynasty V r
shows the balance in use only by goldsmiths and jewellers or
for weighing gold ingots of one of the temple treasuries. 54

Sanskrit name for balance is tula , which’ occurs first in
Vajasaneyi Samhita 55 in relation to weighing gold {hiranyakara
tula). The term masa as a weight occurs as early as Kathaka
Samhita 56 , thereby showing that seeds were used for weighing
precious metals*

Using seeds for weighing precious metals is a common
practice all over the world. Even at present the weight standard
carat (3| grains) is actually the weight of the seedofcarob
tree ( cdratonia silique ), an evergreen Mediterranean tree.

In ancient India, the seeds of guhja ( Abrus precatorius or
Adenanthera pavonina ), yava (barley), sesame seeds, etc., were
used for weighing precious metals and stones. Weighing by
guhja or ratika , is still in vogue, in case of precious metals.

'WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA

101

precious stones, and medicinal herbs.

Weighing by gunja, ratika or manjadi is a common
phenomenon all over India. Weight is also bound to vary
slightly, since the seeds cannot be of the same size and weight.
Several authors, have tried to come to certain conclusions, but
nothing can be taken as the perfect weight.

In literary works like Manu 57 and Yajnavalkya B8 , trasrenu
{particle) liksa (louse), rajasarsapa (black mustard seed) and
gaurasarsapa (white mustard seed) are given as weights. These
are very minute measures. Trasarenu is just discernible as a
glancing particle in the slanting beams of the morning (or
afternoon) sun, coming into a room through a chink or orifice
of a window. This seems to be only an imaginative measure
since actual measure of this dust particle .will not be possible
with the instruments then available. Further there can be no
practical use for such a weight.

8 trasarenu make a liksa and 3 such liksa make a
rajasarsapa , 3 rajasarsapa were equal to a gaurasarsapa and 6
of the latter, yava according to Manu 57 and Yajnavalkya. 58
Alberuni 69 testifies 4 mundri as a pada and 4 pada as a kala and
>6 kala as a yava . Hence the weight of kala and gaurasarsapa
perhaps may be the same.

Caraka 60 and Sarangadhara 61 in their medical texts give a
table which is slightly different. 6 trasarenu form a marlci and
6 of the latter form a rajika , 3 rdjika form a sarsapa and 8 of
the latter a yava. 864 trasarenu make a yava according to this
•calculation, while according to Manu 57 and Yajnavalkya 58 432
trasarenu make a yava. Thus the basic measurement itself
seems to be controversial and varies by 1:2 ratio. Sarangadhara
gives two measurements namely Magadha and Kalinga.
According to the former 4 yava make a gunja and the latter 2
yava make a gunja. This vast difference may be either due to
the type of seeds or perhaps the Magadha mana itself is double
that of Kalinga mana . Moreover there is a different reading for
marici as marisa. The former stands for a speck in the beam
of sunlight, while the latter for seeds of amaranthus .

Mudri , mundri or mundrigai is mentioned rarely in the
literature. 96 mudris make a yava according to Alberuni. 69 In
South India the term mundri stands for the fraction 1/320.

102 .

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT IN^IA

This fraction seems to be very important, since ratika or guiija
is 1/320 of a pala , according to Kautflya 12 , Manu 57 , Yajfia-
valjkya 58 and Baksali manuscript 14 , Alberuni has omitted the
term ratika , hence the difference in his calculations.

Gantfaka is mentioned only by Mahavlra 66 , which is J of a
guiija. The weight of gandaka may be perhaps equal to a yava .
A mode of reckoning by fours is also termed as garudaka.

Leaving aside all these measures, which seem to be
impractical, it seems that actual measure starts with tandu\a y
ratika or gunja, which still remains as jewellers’ weight in India.

Tancltda was equated with a weight of 8 gaurasarsapa y
according to Varahamihira 66 and Caraka. 70 Use of tandula or
unhusked rice seems to be common all over India. It is termed
as nel in Dravidian languages and is J of rati .

Ratika or guiija or manjddi ( Abrus precatorius seed, Sansk-
nt-ganja , ratika ; Wm&l-rati, ghungechi ; Bcngali-kunch; Tamil**
gundumani ; T elugu-guriginja; M a 1 ay a 1 a m dcdkan i ; Kannada-
gunj\ Guj -chanothi, rati, guiija) is the measure commonly used
by jewellers all over India. Though the seeds have several
varieties of colour, the red one with the black eye is usually
used, as the weight for gold and silver. The term manjddi is
found mostly in South Indian literature and inscriptions.
Somes vara in Manasollasa considers guiija and manjddi as
synonymous 67 , while in Hemadri’s Vratakhanda , he quotes
Visnugupta as stating 2 gunjas as a manjddi.

Adenanthera pavonina (M&rsiihi-thoraligunj; Hindi -bari~
gumchi; Tamil and Malayala m-anaikundumani or manjddi ;
Telugu-gurivenda) unlike the creeper abrus is a large tree,
bearing scarlet red seeds, which are also used as jewellers’
weights. The seed roughly weighs 4 to 5 grains or two of abrus
seeds.

Several modern scholars have weighed the ratika (abrus)
and has arrived at different conclusions. According to
Prinsep 69 1.875 grains constitute a rati . Adenanthera accord-
ing to Elliot 70 is 5.3 grains. 1.934 grains make a gunja accord-
ing to Wilson. 71

Tavernier 72 gives different values for rati at different places
for diamonds and pearls. Mangelip (manjddi) weighed 1|
carats or 4.36 grains in Golconda for diamonds, 5 grains in

WEIGHTS' IN ANCIENT INDIA" :

m

Goa and 7 grains in Bijapur also for diamonds. Pearl rati was.
2.77 grains. Manjcidi according to Wilson is of 4 grains and
equal to a carat.

Ancient writers have used guhja , ratika and andi as-
synonymous. From the data of the ancient Indian writers, it
is not clear whether they took abrus or adenanthera as a rati or
guhja. When Manu has stated 2 rati as a silver ma§a and 5
rati as a gold mas a, perhaps, the former must have been
adenanthera and the latter abrus . In the same way, when
Bhaskaracarya 73 has stated that 8 g uhjas make a ratika and 5
ratika a valla, he must have taken guhja for abrus and ratika
for adenanthera . Varahamihira’s andi comprising 4 yavas

may be ratika. In the Gujarati commentary on Srldbara’s
Pdtiganita 9 , there were two tables for gold, 5 guhjas make a
gold mdsa and 3 ratika make a gold valla, while for silver, 5
guhjas make a mdsa . It is not clear, whether the author com
siders ratika and guhja as belonging the same type of seeds.

Both abrus and adenanthera are in usage as jewellers’
weights. In Maharastra and South India two rati make a
mahjadi , thereby showing the former as abrus and the latter
adenanthera .

Valla (it is a type of wheat) would be equivalent to 3 guhjas
of 2 ratikas according to Bhaskara and in the commentary on
Siidhara’s Pdtiganita . 9 Weighing by val is still common in
Gujarati and varies from to 2 rati . -There is a variation in
Mirat-e-Ahmadi u , where 3 ma$a is considered as a vdl.

Masa ( Phaseolus radiatus) occurs as early as in Kathaka
Samhita , 75 5 guhjas make a mdsa, according to Manu 57 , Yajna-
valkya 58 and Kaufilya 72 in measuring gold. Mahavira refers to
it as pana , 65 &ukfa 76 and Bhaskara 77 differ from others. The
former measures mdsa as of \i)\guhjas the latter 10'J guhjas*
In the Gujarati commentary on §rldhara’s Pdtigcuiita?, there
are two tables, one mentioning 5 guhjas as a masa and the
other 3 ratika as a valla . The latter table coincides with
Bhaskara 78 , who considers 3 guhja as a valla. 4 kakanis
constitute a masa according to Narada and 4 andis {guhja)
according to Varahamihira 06 . Analysing various authors
Colebrook 77 has stated that there are four types, of masas
comprising 5, 6 and 16 ratikas and a silver masa of 2 ratikas .

i04

MANSUFATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

All ihcse differences may have been due to the gunja or
ratika and whether it is adenenthera or abrus .

Prinsep notices masa of 2, 4, 5 and 16 grains, while Colc-
brook 78 considers it as 17f grains and Coderington found
masa varying between 10, 16 and 20 grains. 79

Coins which were unearthed from Taxila weigh from
2, 5 to 2.86 grains. These Mr. WaJsh attribute to the silver
masaka coins. 80

8 rati make a masa according to Babur’s Memoirs. 81

In 17th century Gujarat ma$a varied from 10, 16 and 20
grains.

The term ma$a was common till recently as jewellers’
measure and varied in different states.’ To state a few examples,
in Madras the weight of mdsa was 15 grains, in Sholapur and
Nasik it was 16 grains, but in Kolaba only 9 grains. On the
whole 8 gunjas ate considered as a mdsa. At present it is
stated as 1/72 of a tola and hence it will be about 15 grains or
1 gm.

Suvarna or karsa comprises 16 masas in weighing gold.
Here also since the masa itself differs, the weight of suvarna
also differs,

80 gunjas make a karsa according to Manu 67 , Yajnavalkya 58 ,
Kautilya 6 - 2 , Amara and Mahavlra. 65 Bhaskara differs from
others by stating 168 gunjas as a kar§a , while according to
Sukra J 00 gunjas is a karsa . In weighing silver Mahavlra
refers to a karsa or puraria of 80 gunjas.

£ukra 82 used the word karsa for weighing rice in one place
and stated that kar§a was I/100th of a prastha , thereby indi-
cating that it must have been used for weighing other commo-
dities also. In Babur’s memoirs 81 4 masa is considered as a
tang and 5 maisa as a miskal.

Suvarpa as a weight was of 5 dharanas or 50 gunjas accor-
ding to Abhiddnappadika , 83 Karsa was also used as a coin
denomination weighing one kar?a in weight. It was referred
to as kdhapana as well as suvarna in the Buddhist literature. 84
Suvarna was referred to alongwith satamana > in Satapatha
Brdhmana , 85 Cunningham considered Icarsapana as the seed
of Bellerica Myrobalan ( Terninalia Bellerica) which reaches
upto 140 grains in weight. 86

105

WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA

r ■

Karsapana was. a silver coin weighing 32 ratis (57.6 grains),
while suvarna was a gold coin weighing 80 ratis{ 146.4 grains). 87
In Ceylon a coin of the kalanju weight is called kahapana} 6

Dharana consists of 10 palas or 3200 gunjas according to
Manu 57 and Yajnavalkya 58 with regard to measuring gold,
while Mahavira 66 equates it with 40 gunjas or 8 papas.
Bhaskara's 76 view seems to have been accepted in the Gujarati
commentary on Ganitasara? Varahamihira’s 08 dharana is
1/10 of a pala. Since pala is of 320 gunjas, dharuna must be
32 gunjas only according to Varahamihira.

Silver dharana is 32 krisnalas, according to Manu 67 , Yajna-
valkya 68 and Mahavira. 85 Kautilya differs from others by
stating that 16 mdsa or 20 saibya seeds, constitute a dharana.
If Kautilya’s silver masa is considered as equal to $■ gunja, then
dharana will be of 8 gunja seeds.

Manu’s gold dharana is heavier by 100 times than the
silver dharana, while Mahavlra’s 65 gold dharana is 40 gunjas,
silver dharana is 52 gunjas. Bhaskara’s 73 gold dharanas is the
lightest, weighing 24 gunjas, which was also accepted by
Gopalabhata. 89 Balambhata 80 was also of the same opinion,
eventhough he considered dharana and kalanju as synonymous.
These vast numerical differences may perhaps be due to the
type of gunja used, whether abrus or adenanthera. Perhaps the
similarity in the names may be a coincidence and have no
connection in the weights concerned, or the value of gold
might have gone up in Bhaskara’s time.

Satamana was 320 ratikas or 160 silver masas or 10
dharanas according to Manu 67 and Yajnavalkya 68 . Yajnaval-
kya applied pala to Satamana and VijnaneSwara equates it to
a niska. Satamana literally means measuring by hundred and it
is believed that Satam&na was 100 ratis. However, Satamana was
of 320 ratis as quoted by Manu and Yajnavalkya. In Abhida-
nappadipika a pala is considered as equal to 100 gunjas. Since
sometimes the term Satamanapala occurs, satamana and
satamana pala may be one and the same.

From the etymology of the word satamana and from &ata-
patha Brahmana certain scholars 91 adhere to the 100 ratis as a
Satamana, since there is a definite reference to a satamana of
100 parts i.e. 100 ratis. The verse “suvarnam rajatam hiranyam

106

MBNS$Jit*TION IN- ANCIENT INDIA

ndnarup&taya satamamm bhavati satayur vai purusah " meaning
that gold and silver will be the fee for the 'sake of variety to
the manifold form of the deity, and that daksipa will be
tat am ana, since the human being lives for one hundred years.
Karaka the commentator of Katyayanasrautasutra has
described the satamana as vrittakarou raktika satamanau m
(literally two round objects, weighing one hundred ratis)

Dr. D.C. Sircar analysing these facts came to the conclu-
sion that 100 pieces making a iatamana must be the South
Indian manjadi ( adenanthera povonina ) which is double the size
of ratika. Manjadi roughly weighs between 4 to 5 grains.
Dr. Sircar, on the basis of epigraphic evidence also had opined
that the non-Aryan weight system was adopted for Satamana.
The use of the multiple 16 is considered to be non-Aryan,
since it was used by the pre-historic people of Indus valley.
The Satamana must be referring to 100 pieces of some non-
Aryan measure probably manjadi. 92 This may be a correct
view, since 96 mahjddis are considered as a tola in certain
parts till recently. Instead of 96, a round figure of 100 might
have been used.

During the time of Babur 96 ratis or 12 masa were consi-
dered as a tola. It has been observed by Prinsep 69 that
there is a closer accordance with the English gold assay scale,
inasmuch as 96 ratis in a tola exactly represented the. 96
carat in the gold assay pound and the dhan (qnq grain) which
was the quarter grain. Perhaps satamana may be referring to
the present tola. This reminds one, about the weight measure
hundred-weight, which is equal to |1 12 pounds troy or 50.8 kg
and not hundred-pound weight as the name suggests.

The British apothecaris’ ounce and troy ounce consists of
480 grains or 30 grams. If adenanthara is considered Satamana
weight it will be soirewhat closer to an ounce.

Pala which is considered synonymous with satamana is
accepted by most of the authors as consisting of 4 karsas or
dharana or 320 gunjas. Bhaskara 73 though accepted 4 karsa
as a pala in weight, it was 672 gunjas according to him while
one of the tables of the Gujarati commentary on Sridhara’s
Patiganita it was 480 ratikas. There is an enormous difference
between Bhaskara 73 and others on this.

WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA 107'

The glorious silver image of ParihasakeSava (Vi$nu)
erected by Lalitaditya Muktaplda was made of thousands of
palas of silver, according to Kalhana. 92 Since the phrase
‘thousands of palas ’ was used, a pala cannot be a very big.
measure.

Pala and muffi are considered as synonymous. Musfi
depicts a volume. Hence the weight of the amount of any
substance perhaps paddy, that can he held in a mutfi or
handful, must have been taken to be a pala. Pala or mu?ti is
considered as 4 tolas by Manu and 4 or 5 t ilas, according to
Yajnavalkya 58 . If we consider the present tola which is.
11.66 gms, according to Manu, it will be 46.64 gms, while
according to Yajnavalkya 58 it can be 58.3 gms.

Tola, as the name itself suggests, is that which is measured,
in a tula (balance). This is rarely used in ancient literature
as well as in inscriptions. In Rajatarangini 94 , Lalitaditya
Muktaplda is said to have placed eightyfour thousand tolakas
of gold for preparing the image of Muktake£ava (Visnu).
Stein identifies tolaka with tola and considers it to be equal to-
il; of a pala. Prinsep has given several weights for tola varying
from 18.7 to 19.4 grains at different places.

In 17th century A.D., in Surat and JAhmedabad a tola of"
gold weighed 50 grains, while a tola of diamond weighed 58-
carat or 62 rat is. Taking rati as 2.75 grains, a tola of diamond,
would be 172.5 grains.

The present jeweller’s told is 11.662 gms. or 180 grains in
most of the places and is known as Bombay bullion tolS~
Bombay told is also used for weighing saffron and spices. In
certain places it varied for gold as in Amaravati district in
Mysore where a gold tola weighed 216 grains. But at present
tola weighing 11.66 gms has been used all over India. It is not
out of place to mention that the Egyptian gold standard beqar
weighed 12.96 gms and the Persian silver standard 11 ‘53 gms.

Kalanju ( Caesalpinia crista ; Kuberdksi-Sanskrit; karanja-
Hindi, Gujarati, Kannadat nata natta karanja-B&ngali; gafaga-
Marathi; gacaca kaya- Telugu; Kazanchikuru-MalsLja.lim-~
Kazhichikay-T a m i 1 ) is a term which often occurs in South
Indian epigraphical records. Kalanju is actually tb® name of a.
prickly olimbiag species of caesalgina, the weight of the seed

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

varying between 45 to 50 grains. The earliest reference in
Tamil literature is from Purananuru , 95 Since in certain inscrip-
tions the attribute por is added before kalanju (porkalanju), it
•can be considered that either kalanju is a measure of gold or a
.gold coin. In an early Pandya inscription of Maranja<jaiyan 90 ,
it is dearly stated that a kalanju is equivalent to a Kr$nakaca .
Another inscription refers to a kalanju as being equivalent to
& niska. A II century Co£a inscription from Tirumalavadi
equates palams with 15 kalanjus , 97

No definite calculation can be made from these statements,
Somesvara in Manasollasa 67 considers 30 manjadi as a
kalanju. The same calculation occurs in a late Sanskrit work
Patna pariksa , 98 BaJambhata considers two gunjas as a
majjatika or manjisfa which is 1/20 of a kalanju Kalanju 9
•or manjadi and kunri (kunrimani) were very common weight
standards for gold. A Cola inscription from Kanchipuram 100
refers to 18 kalanju , 3 manjadi and 1 kunri thereby showing that
manjadi is a bigger unit (adenanthera) than kunri (abrus).

Weights and balances in ancient India

Excavations conducted during the past two decades in a
number of sites revealed objects that were identified as weights.
In Taxila 102 , "'Besnagar 103 , Kaundinyapura 104 SaIihun<Jam 10B
*and in other sites have disclosed several weights belonging to
as early as 3rd millinium B.C. Though the origin of Indus
system was, independent, its relationship with Mesopotamian
and Egyptian systems is within the range of probability. The
system used in binary in case of smaller weights and decimal in
the case of larger ones, the succession being in the ratio 1, 2, 4,

8, 16, 32, 64, 160, 320, 640, 800, 1600, 3200, 6400, 8000 etc.
The ratio which was maintained by the Indus people seems to
have been adopted in the later period to some extent and the
number 16 became deep-rooted in the numismatic ratios. The
unit of weight at Mohenjodaro has the calculated value of
0.875 gram and the largest weight 10.970 kg.

Even though a large number of weights were found, it is
’surprising that only a few scale pans had come to light. A few
scale pans [of red pottery, copper and iron with holes for
suspension prove the existence of common balances. 108 A

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

aio

Coin from Rqjgir

-painting^ in cave no. 17 in Ajanta (6th century A.D.), 109
represents a trader weighing in a double pan balance. On the
obverse of an oblong coin from Rajgir, 110 a common balance is
-depicted.

Specimens of naraji or one pan balance have been found in
.Arang in Madhya 'Pradesh and also gin Sirpur (8th Century
A.D.). 111 The earliest of this type at Pompeii is of 78 A.D. In
the panels depiciting Sibi Jataka in Amaravati, and Nagar-
junakopda 112 , one-pan balances have been identified. In the
-Gandhara sculptures 11 * the single-pan balances have come out
-very clearly. A relief on the back side of the Mira temple at
Ahar shows a grocer using a balance for weighing. 11 * 0

The prototype of the beam balance is frequently represented
-on scenes depicting the weighing of precious metals in Egypt
-from the fifth dynasty onwards. Drawings in Papyrus and
-tombs showed that common balance was employed for weigh-
ing large ingots of precious metals in Egypt. The most ancient
balance so far discovered is in Egypt constructed at the 5th
millennium B.C. It was made of lime stone, 8.5 cm. long with
a fulcrum hole in the middle and suspension hole at each end
for the end? that supported the scale. 114 Roman craftsmen had
•an excellent bronze balance during the time of Constantine
<337 A.D.).

The zodiacal sign tula or libra shows the antiquity of
-common balances- The ancient Indian name for balance was
tula , This term occurs in Vajasaneyi Samhita **■ with reference
fo weighing gold (hiranyakara tula), thereby showing that

Ill

Weights in ancient India

weighing was limited , to precious metals. Satapatha
Brdhmana 116 refers to weighing of a man’s good and evil deeds
in the next and in this world. Balances were considered among
the household objects according to Vasi§tha. 116 Falsifying of
balances was a social crime according to Apastambha 117 and
the person who used false balances was to debarred from
iraddha ceremonies. Buddha considered cheating through false
balances and deriving profit thereby, as a kind of mithyaajiva 11 *.

Every four months, the government has to check balances
according to Kautilya 119 while according to Manu la0 , checking
should be done every six months; Yajfiavalkya 121 prescribes
heavy punishment for those who make and use false balances.

Falsification of balances by deceit is mentioned in Amos
(VIII 4-5) in the old Testament and it is condemned in Proverbs
{XX:23). Using different kinds of weights to one’s own
advantage is also mentioned in Deuteronomy (XXV: 13) and
Proverbs (XX 10 and 23).

Kautilya enumerates sixteen types of balances. Of these
ten varieties are of light weight with single-scale pan. Beginr
ming with a lever of six angulas in length and of one pala in
the weight of its metallic mass, there were ten different types of
balances with levers increasing successively , m by one pala in the
weight of their metallic masses. According to this description
the length and weight of balances can be tabulated as follows:

Type No.

Length

Weight in metallic mass

1,

6 angulas

1 pala

2.

14 „

2 „

3.

22

3 „

4.

30 „

4 „

5.

38 „

5 „

6.

46 „

6 „

7.

54 „

n

99

8.

62 „

8 „

9.

70 „

9 „

10.

78 35

10 „

These balances were used in weighing probably all kinds of
•commodities. The heavy balances were of six types. Of these
Samavarttatula had its lever 72 angulas long and it weighed 53
jpalas in metallic mass. Kautilya explains these types of
balances as “a scale-pan of 5 palas in the weight of its metallic
mass being attached to its edge, the horizontal position of the

112

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA,

lever, when weighing a karsa shall be marked (on that part of
the lever) where held by a thread, it stands horizontal”. To
the left of the mark, symbols such as 1 pala, 12, 15 and 20
palas shall be marked. After that, each place of tens upto 100
shall be marked. In the place of ak§as the sign of nandi shall
be marked (aksas are the place of five and multiples of five.
Nandi is the symbol of Swastika).

Parimani is the largest type of heavy balance mentioned by
Kautilya. It has a lever of 16 angulas and 106 palas of weight
in metallic mass. On its lever marks per 20, 50, 100, etc., are
indicated. The weights of the public balance ( vyavaharika
servants balance ( bhqjani ) and balance of the harem ( antapura
bhajani) were 95, 90 and 85 palas these balances.

The heaviest type of balance was made of wood, with a
lever eight cubits long. The lever had measuring marks and it
was erected and fixed on a peacock like pedestal. Counterpoise
weights were used in weighing heavy commodities. 122

In Mali a Narada Kassapa Jalaka l2S , a weighing house is
referred to. Weights were added gradually one by one on the
weighing scale and when the weights were placed the end of the
balance would be swung up.

Yajnavalkya 124 refers to the practice, to draw a line on the
wall of the weighing house to ensure accuracy in weighing..
When the weights and the things to be weighed are on a level
with the mark made on the wall at the weighing house, the
wetght is supposed to be perfect. He refers to experts in
weighing ( tuladharanavid ).

Manasollasa v - s , a 12th century work by the western
Calukyan king Someswara Bhulokamalla, describes details
about the balance (tulalaksanam) used by the lapidaries in
ancient India. He prescribes a heavy beam (danda) measuring
about 12 angulas in length at the ends of which there should be
two rings (mudrika) for hanging the pans which should be
made of bell metal (kansya) with four string holes for suspen-
sion. The central rod (kantaka) measuring about 5 angulas
should be placed under an arch (torana) by means of holes at
ends. The arch should be held by a string while weighing and
the vertical position of the central rod should determine the
exact weight. Obviously here the author describes the common
balance with two pans.

WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA

113

Thus the antiquity of weighing can be traced back to Indus
civilization and Vedic period. Weighing appears to have
started with precious metals in the beginning, since for other
commodities barter must have been in practice. Though
archaeologists have tried to prove the existence of decimal and
binary systems, from the literature mostly the use of binary
systems is available with regional variations.

References

1. A History of Technology, Vol. I, p. 779.

2. Wilson, p. 390.

3. SIL XVII, No. 186.

4. ibid, 171.

5. ibid, XIV, 16k.

6. ibid , XIX, No. 260.

7. Ganitasarasamgraha, ch. I, V, 54.

8. Rdjatarcmgirii , ch, IV, V, 203.

9. JNSI, VIII, p. 146.

10. El XI, p. 55.

11. EJ, X,p. 17,

12. i( Ratna parlk?adi sapta granth samgraha ** Ganitasara, p. 40, 41.

13. 1A , XLI, p. 85.

14. El, XI, p. 50.

15 / Ain-i-Akbari, Vol III, p. 157.

16. AlberunVs India , Vol. I, p. 166.

17. IA, VIII, p.236.

18. Sir Walter Elliot, The Madras Journal of Literature and Science »
Vol. XX (new series), p. 56, Pi. II.

19. Wilson, p. 326.

20. Pavaluru Mallana, quoted by Valdehf Krishnamurthy in tf Sociat
and Economic condition in Eastern Deccan (1000 A.D. — 1 250JA.D.)’*
p. 155.

2 1 . Lekhapaddhati, p . 2 1 , 110.

22. Hobson Jobson , p. 928.

23. The Agrarian system of Mughal India, 1556-1707 , Appendix B.

24. ArthaSastra, p. 114.

25. Ganitatilaka , ch. I, V, 6,

26. Sdrangadhara Samhita, 1, 31.

27. Abhidhanacintamarii, Mrtyakhanda, V, 885.

28. Dvyasraya commentary on Piirnakalasagani, 4-45, auoted by*
Sandesara B.J., JNSI, VIII, p. 146.

29. Unpublished record from M.S. University, Dept, of Archaeology,,
suggestion by Dr. R.N. Mehta.

30. El, XIV, p. 295

31. Wilson, p. 77. ■ . • ‘

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

114

32. From Akbar to Aurangzeb, p. 336.

33. Hobson Jobson, p, 155.

34. El, XI, p. 28.

35. £7, XI, p.277.

36. Mirat-e-Ahmudi, supplement, p. 140.

37. Lekhapaddhati, 100, 106.

'38. Indidn Epi graphical Glossary , p. 207.

39. Jagadu carita, Bhandarkar MSS, 1883-84, Canto VI, 15:323.

40. PancaSti Prabhandha Sambandha , p, 6, it is 100 sounds according
to the editor, p. 190.

41. SIl, XXI, 21, 183.

42. Padikku mun-tunikkijavi; Tolkappiyam EJuttadikaram, 239.

43. I A, II, p. 151.

44. JA S V, p. 109.

45. I A, XVIII, p. 108.

46. 57/, 247,256, 281, 288.

47. JAHRS, XXXII, p. 111.

48. Anuyogadvarasutra » Sutra, 132.

49. Wilson, p. 526.

50. El, XIX, p, 30.

51. JBBRAS , p. 199,

52. The Indus Civilization, p. 83.

53. ^4 History of Technology, Vol. I, p, 779, 780.

54. ibid , p. 783, 784.

55. Vajasaneyi Samhita , XXX, 17.

Fed/c Index , I, p, 371.

56. Index , II, p. 56.

57. Manu, 18:3:4.

58. Yajnavalkya, Vol. II, Acarddhydya , p, 362-365.

59. AlberunVs India , Vol. I, p. 161.

60. Carakasamhita , Kalpasthana, ch. XII, 58-60.

61. Sarangadhara Samhita, ch. I, 38-21.

62. ArthaSdstra , ch. XIX, V, 103.

63. /AW, VIII, p. 146.

64. The Bakfdli Manuscript , Ar. S.A.R. (N.I.S.) Vol. - XL! f.

65. Ganitasdrasamgraha, ch. I, 39-41.

66. Bfhatsamhitd , ch. LXXX.

67. Manasollasa , Vol. I, p, 70, Tulalakganam.

68. Vratakhanda , Vol. I, 52-53.

69. C&e/W Tables , p. 97.

70. Numismato Orientalia — Coins of South India, p, 47.

71. Hobson Jobson, p. 777.

72. Travels in India, Vol. II, ch. XVIII, p. 89.

73. Lilavati, ch, I.

74. Mirat-e-Ahmadi , 1924, p. 364.

75. kWftc /«<&*, Vol. II, p. 56.

76. Nftisara, II, 775-8.

77. Miscellaneous essays, I, p. 551.

78. VII, p. 693.

79. Ceylon Coins and Currency .
m /AW, VIII, p. 41.

31. Chronicles of dte Pat hdn kings of Delhi, p. 222.

I

AREA MEASURES IN ANCIENT INRIA 115

82. NitisSra, IV, 5. 483.

83. Abhidhartappadipika, 479, 480.

84. Jatakas, V, p. 306, text, p. 305.

85* Satapatha Brahmana, XII, 2, 22.

•86. Coins of Ancient India i p. 45.

87. JRAS, 1901, p, 876.

■88. Ceylon coins and currency , p. 162.

89. WQ, VII, p. 697.

90. JRAS , 1937, p. 301.

9f. JNSI, XV, p. 142.

92. KdtyQyanaraustasutra , (492) p. 213.

93. Rajataranginiy IV, p. 143,

94. id/a.’

’95. Purananuru , 11.12.

96. MAER t 90 of 1908.

97. MAER> 181 of 1912, SIl , IV, no. 5.

98. Journal ofTanjore Saraswati Mahal Library , Vol. XXI, no. 1, 84.

99. 1934, p. 10-11.

100. >5//, Vol. I, 84.

101. Journal of the Andhra Pradesh Archives > Vol. IV, i, 1976, p. 16.

102. Taxila, II, p. 508-509. '

103. 4&haeo logical Survey of India-Annual Report— 1914-15, p. 86.

104. Excavations of Kaundinyapur a , 1960-61, p. 17-18, 1963-64, p. 15-16..

105. Salihundam , p. 161.

106. Further excavations at Mohenjo-Daro t p. 400-465.

107. Mohenjo Daro and the Indus civilization , II, p. 589-597.

108. Further excavations of Mofomjo-Darot p. 435, 476, 477.

109. Sarthavaha , p. 240, fig. 37, depicting Vissantara Jataka.

110. Catalogue of coins in the British Museum— Ancient India , p. XXX VU I
and CXXVi, pi. XVI, 8-10, XXXI, 2-4,- 10. £

111. Deccan College Research Institute , Vol. 18, T&raporewalla Volume
p. 5-7.

112. Amaravati sculptures in the Madras Government Museum , p. 143, 228,
30, PL XXVII, fig. 16, PL V, p. 35.

113. Indian Temples , Greeco-Budddhist beliefs -British Museum

no. 42-43.

113a, Arts Asiatiques, XI, p. 63-64, fig. 6,7. -

114. The legacy of Egypt , p. 176.

A history of Technology Vol. I, p. 779-784.

115. Satapatha Brahmana , II, 2,7, 33.

116. Vasitfha dharma sutra , XIX, 1823.

117. Apastambha dharma sutra ol. II, pt. I, II, 6, 19,

118. Dighanik&ya , Vol. Ill, p. 136, 8:9;43.

119. Kaup'lya, II, 19,51.

120. Manu, 8.403.

121. Yajfiavalkya, Vol. II, p. 240.

122. Kauplya II 19:12-28.

*23. Jataka, Vol. Vf, p. 112.

124. Yajfiavalkya II, 100-102,

Prameyartha manju§a Arthasastra Manu and Alberuni Mahavlra Bhaskara Gujarati commentary on Sukra’s
commentary on Jambu Yajnavalkya, Sridhara’s Patigapita Nitisara

divapannatti Brahma- (14 century A. B.)

purS.ua Table I Table II

116

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA-

I

•g

£

a

s

11

as

44

«tf

%

to

TJ*

ef-

ts

II

|

&

to

II

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tot

s

CM

3

S* 53

to a

S

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c3 cd c3
it? icfl

£6 a

VO CM

c 3 _ oj
c3 52*

<3 .'Q* e3

I

li 4 - I f

•I * f 8- 1 5

& p J 13 ^ ^

VO OO

CO t-H 00

(3

II s

at 5
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Jl ’ II

e3 ofl ^

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^ £ 00

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p 3 T 3 3

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> « H l B > nJ

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rt a

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P « «#

5s a

eo ea
.5* C- >
t? 5 - d
3 g M

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117

1

“WEIGHTS IN ANCIENT INDIA

Measurement of Silver

!

Manu & Yajnavalkya

Kau^ilya

Mahavira

i

2 kri§nala=ma$a

88 gaurasar$apa

2 gunja=ma§a

16 ma$a=dharapa

16 ma$aor saibya

16 ma§a= dharapa

seeds«dharaija

2-J dharapa=
kar$a or puraija

10 dharapa—gatamana

4 kar$a or
10 dharapa«pala

Measurement of Time in
Ancient India

ALL over the world, measurement of time was invariably
related to natural phenomena, associated with the movements,
observed among the celestial bodies. In ancient period, the sky
was the giant clock and calendar as well as an almanac.
Even before realising the details of the movements of planets,
and positions of [the stars, people could still appreciate and
understand the phenomena, like day and night, the waxing and:
waning of the Moon at regular intervals and [monsoons occur-
ring at definite intervals. Time was understood as a continu-
ous motion that cannot be stopped, neither hurried nor
delayed. It was considered to be without beginning and with-
out end.

Regarding the celestial factors that governed the time, sun
was the most important one. Even the ancient astronomers,
for whom earth was the centre, the sun was given the place
next to the earth. The recurrence of days and nights at regular
intervals was attributed to the revolution of the sun and not
to the rotation of the earth. The day is apparnetly the most
obvious and simple unit of measurement. A day is a period of
30 muhurtas (24 hours). Its principal characteristic of

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

119

alternate daylight and darkness repeats itself in regular
cycles.

Waxing and waning of the Moon is another obvious unit in
helping to determine the months. The waxing and waning
occur with good regularity. The seasons arrive in a consistent
sequence. These are the natural phenomena which governed
the time factor in the ancient world. These natural factors
helped to serve the day-to-day needs of the society, which did
not require any great accuracy, because of the simple and
leisurely life. With the first streaks of Sun’s rays, man and
animals started their chores and even the birds came out of
their nest. With the setting of the Sun, men and animals went
for resting and the birds flocked inside their nests. During
the day, men had to do his daily routine of collecting food,
fire-wood and after a tiresome day had to retire for rest,
The variations in the seasons helped man to decide about the
farming operations, the type of protective dresses to wear
and plan his day-to-day operations depending on the weather
conditions, which he could predict fairly well to meet his
limited needs.

It is difficult to say definitely, as to when and how the
counting of time began. According to eminent scholars, the
Egyptians were using a calendar as long ago as 4236 B.C.
The Jewish religious calendar starts with the supposed date
of creation by Jehovah, while the Chinese chronology starts
from 2391 B.C.

The Vedic Aryans had the knowledge of time in relation to
sunrise, noon, sunset, day, month, fortnight, seasons, h^If year
(ay ana), year and yuga. The term muhUrta is found in Rg Veda
in the sense of ‘moment’, while in Brahmana literature it
denotes a division of time, namely one thirtieth of a day (48
min or { hour).

As the activity of man became more and more organised
and as his social links also became well established into civili-
zed living, he felt the need to subdivide day into definite divi-
sions to organise his activities in a more systematic manner.
That is to say, as the civilization progressed, the need for
appreciation of the time element .also grew. The ancient
Ihdihhs divided tBe' day initially anto 30. muhUftAS pr 60

120 MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

nalikas as the practical measures of time. Thus the simple
reckoning appears to be 360 days a year, 30 days a month and
30 muhurtas a day, two nalika equalling a muhurta .

The nalika itself had to be further subdivided into smaller
units, for greater accuracy. This, particularly was needed to
calculate more precisely, the planetary positions, in astrono-
mical and later on in astrological calculations, as also in
musical and poetic meters.

In the past all over the world, the calculations based on the
movements of the planets and constellations were based on
geocentric idea, that is, on the concept that earth was stationary*
with other planets of the zodiac moving around it. Clear-cut
ideas about the zodiac was understood in India by about 500
A.D. as can be seen from Surya'siddhanla and Jryabha(iya (500

A. D.). Aryabhata 2 was the first known astronomer-mathemati-
cian in India, who expounded the theory of revolution of earth
which was refuted by later writers in India. This important
.discovery of Aryabhata was not known to the West, who still
attribute the credit for this theory to Copernicus, the Polish
astronomer, who in the 16th century A.D. clearly demonstra-
ted, that the planets including the earth revolve on their own
axes and move in orbits around the Sun. Even in the 17th
century A.D., when Galileo 3 , the Italian astronomer, though
confirmed the Copernicus theory, had to repudiate the theory
later, because of the confrontation with the inquisition threats.
Thus, eventhough Aryabhata had given this correct concept in
5th century A.D., both in India and abroad this fact was
ignored and India appears to have accepted the theory again,
only after the West had accepted the Copernican theory in 17th
century. It is, however, interesting to note, that even before
Aryabhata, Aristarchus of Samos 3 , Greek mathematician
proposed that sun was the hub of our planetary system and
earth was revolving around it, even as early as 3rd century

B. C, Pythogoras and Philotaus also followed the same
doctrine. This was, however, refuted by Aristotle and later on
by Ptolemy. 3

Thus a very important concept in the field of time measure-
ment, even though it came to light as early as 3rd century
B.C., it required nearly 19 centuries to pass off before getting

•MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

121

the recognition due to- religious bigotry and ignorance of the
masses. This very fact makes the naming of the 1st Indian
, -satellite as Aryabhata quite aptly and reflects the correct think-
ing of the people concerned in naming the satellite.

In relation to the development of time concepts certain
interesting factors are worth consideration at this stage.
According to ancient astronomers, the zodiac was divided into
360°. The year which consisted of 12 months of 30 days
comprises 360 days. The divisions of time in the chart I, except
in Mahavlra’s Ganitasarasamgraha, were divisions into 360 unit.
The year, according to Jupiter’s cycle is also 60, which is one-
sixth of 360. This number 360 is not an imaginary number.
That is the only number divisible by the numbers 1 to 9 except
7. Taking advantage of this, the zodiac must have been divided
into 360. Since the number 360 is convenient for calculations,
this must have been kept as the base by the astronomers and
astrologers.

After the Vedic age, astronomers like Aryabhata I, Brahma-
gupta I, Varahamihira and Bhaskara I made their contribution
to the Indian astronomy. Alongwith this, astrology also
developed, which interested the planetary movements linked to
the destiny of the ’man. In this discussion the time factors
mentioned in the books on astronomy or jyotifa and mathe-
matics are considered to start with, since they formed the main
basis for time measurements in ancient India.

The term jyotisa ;is derived from the root ‘jyut’ or ‘dyut’,
to'shine and therefore it is a science of the movements of the
luminous bodies. Another expression for it, is naksatra.darsaria
or observation of stars. Astronomy (as derived from astron, a
star and nemo — to classify or arrange) i s a science, which deals
with the distributions, motions and characteristics of heavenly
bodies. As has already been stated, since the movements of
the planets govern the time, jyotisa or astronomy is the most
important science, to be considered while discussing evolution
of concepts on time! Since astronomy needs precise calcula-
tion mathematics goes hand in hand with astronomy. It is no
wonder that ancient astronomers were eminent mathematicians
also.

In the following study the various entities of time measure-

122

( IN ANCIENT INDIA

ments that weie tised in ancient India are given, starting from
the smallest unit of time used in the literature of different
periods. There are some variations in the usage and concepts
relating to many of the smaller units, eventhough the concepts
relating to nalika and muhurta remained uniform. All the
variations are summed up in the comparative charts (charts I
and II).

Division of the day into thirty mu hurt as has been accepted
by all the ancient Indian seers. Considering a muhutra as of
48 minutes, the equivalents of the other smaller units in terms
of modern minutes and seconds have been calculated by the
author in chart I, to understand the proper relationships
between these otherwise confusing terms of unitage of time.
The equivalents in seconds add minutes are given within
brackets wherever possible.

The terms like paramanu, anu, trasarenu and dvali which
occur in ancient Indian literature seem to denote very minute
items of matter, including minute span of time. It is difficult
to evaluate them with any of the present known measures.
More information is available on the following measurements
of time, even though they appear to denote different lengths of
time according to different scholars. ,

“ Trufi, which is also a very small unit of time, has been
mentioned by several authors, as giving varying time equiva-
lents. According to KaUtilya 4 , trufi is equal to 0.06 seconds,
while according to Bhagavata 6 and Brahmapurdna 6 it is 0.0005
seconds. VateSvara and Narada 8 consider trufi as the time
taken to pierce a lotus petal, which is equivalent to 0.000008
seconds of the modern time measurements. Musical works®
refer to a trufi of 8 to 16 nimesas or 1/10 of a guru, A guru is
the time taken to pronounce a guruvaksara or a long consonant.
Thus the term trufi appears to connote different lengths of time
according to different authors.

Tatpara (speck) constitute 100 trufis according to
Bhaskara 10 and Sripati 11 (0.003 sec). Vatesvara calls 100 trufis
as a lava, which works out' to 0.0008 second. The term vedhfl
in Bhagavata* t and Brahmapurdna 8 also is said to consist of 100
trufis, but is a slightly bigger unit (0.047 sec).

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIBNT INDIA 1 25

long consonant was considered as a unit of time. It is
generally accepted as a space of 0.4 second: The term laghu-
vaksara (short consonant) and guruvdksara (long consonant),
connote different time factors. The time taken to pronounce a
short consonant is one laghu and two laghus make a guru in
poetical works.®

Mdtrfl is a fixed time limit, which is still in usage, in both
musicial and poetical works. The time taken to pronounce five
short syllables ( laghuvak?afa ) is considered as a matra accord-
ing to Bharata’s Natyasastra 12 and other works on music. 18

Kallinatha, in his commentary upon Sangltaratnakara li t ..
draws a clear distinction between the matra of the poetical
meter and the matra of musical meter: In connection with the
poetical meter, the time taken to pronounce a short syllable is
meant by the word matra, while in the musical time measure-
ment (tala) it should be regarded as the time measured in
pronouncing 5 short syllables. Here also certain works on.
music and dancing differentiate the matra between margi and:
desi styles. In the former, the time taken to pronounce 5.
aksaras stand for a matrd, while in the latter it is equal to 4
aksaras.

In the ancient Tamil work Tolkappiyam 15 , twinkling of the-
eye is considered as a matra. In Tamil the time taken to crack,
the finger is also called matra.

Uchchvasa (0.75 sec) was considered as 1/7 of a stoka by
Mahavlra. 18

Prana is the time taken to pronounce 10 guruvaksaras „
according to Brahmagupta 17 and Suryasiddhanta la (4 sec).
VateSvara 7 and Bhaskara 10 refer this term as asu (4 sec).

Lava is a controversial unit and seems to be a superficial:
measure. The time taken to pierce a lotus petal is considered
as lava according to Vatesvara siddhanta ’, while it is the time-
taken to pierce 800 petals by a needle according to musical,
works.®

Lava according to Kautilya 4 constitutes 2 trulls (0.12 sec),,
while according to Vatesvara it is equal to 100 trulls (0.QO8-
sec). According to Bhagavata s and Brahmapurana 8 , 300 trufis-
make a lava (0.142 sec)'. If is to be noted that airthesfe aufhors-
tised a different cdntept of fiitoe fo¥ tSelr irtiti. MiSfiVtftL.

324

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

■considers lava as a bigger unit of time, consisting of 49
■uchchavasas (37.4 sec), that is 7 stokas. It seems that Jains
-must have taken number 7 as the figure because of its being the
largest indivisible unit number.

Ksana, according to Monier Williams, is a moment of
twinkling of the eye or any instantaneous point of time. Ksana,
-according to Bhagavata 6 and Brahmapurana 8 is of 5 nimesas
0-28 sec), while according to the nyaya works of Sridhara 19
-and Udayana 20 , ksana is the smallest unit of time (0.0035 sec).
In contrast to this, ksana, mentioned in Abhidhanacintamani, is
-a bigger unit of 4 seconds. 22

A late Tamil work Talasamudram 11 , gives an entirely
'different meaning for k?ana. When 8 lotus petals are kept one
-over another and picked with the needle, the time taken to '
-prick a single petal is ksana .

Ksat}a is the smallest unit of time according to Saranga-
•deva. 14 He considers ksana as 1/8 of a lava, which is in relation
4o poetic meter.

Nimesa is the most common unit of time which, however,
"varies with each and every author. Nimesa literally means a
"Wink or twinkling of the eye. According to Vaijayanti 23 , it is
-the time between two aksarapatakas, 4 trutis make one nimesa
•according to Kautilya, while (0.24 sec) 3000 trutis, according
to Bhaskara (0.09 sec); 10,000 trutis according to Bhagavata 8
-and Brahmapurana , 6 Nimesa is omitted by Aryabhata, as well
■as Mahavira. 16 In modern usage a nimesa is put as the
-equivalent of a minute.

Kdsfha also varies with each and every author for its
-duration of time. It is 5 nimesas according to Kautilya 4 (1.2
.■sec), 15 nimesas according to Bhagavata 5 and Brahmapurana 4
■46 A sec), 18 nimesas according to Manu 2s and Bhaskara 10 (1.6
^sec). Nyaya works of Sridhara and Udayana 20 consider it as
-equal to 3.2 seconds. Kdstha referred to in Vedahgajyotisa 24 is
-equal to 1.16 seconds.

Palam mentioned by Bhaskara 10 and Vatesvara 7 is of 24
seconds. This may be considered as equal to vinadi of
Brahmagupta. 17

Kala has been accepted by several writers as equivalent to
30 kasthas. On calculation, according to Kautilya, a kala will

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

12 $

be of 36 seconds, while it will be 48 seconds according to
Siddhanta Siromani. 10 Manusmritr 6 Visnupuraya 26 and Siddhanta
Sekhara 11 refer to a kald of 96 seconds.

Works on music refers to several types of kalas. Bharata
mentions three different types of holds. Kald in the citra style
is of 2 matras, in vriti style is of 4 matras and daksina style is
of 8 matras. Bharata also refers to a kald or 6 nimesas. The
changing value of kald is conspicuous in latter works on music.
In Sangitaciidamani of Jagadekamalla and Sangitamakaranda of
Narada 13 , kald is equated with half of laghu, the latter consist-
ing of the time taken to pronounce a short vowel.

Kald mentioned in Vedangajyotisd u is a bigger unit of
time. According to this work, a kald will be equivalent to
2.4 minutes and 603 kalas would make a day.

On the contrary, kald mentioned in Abhidhanacintamani
seems to be a very small unit of time comprising only-
8 seconds. 22 .

Nadika, ndlika or ghatika generally indicate 24 minutes;
this has teen explained by several authors, while describing.
ghati or kapala (clepsydra or water-clock). The Indian water-
clock is an arrangement for measuring, by means of the water
and a jar or bowl, the duration of nadi, nadika , ghati or
ghatika. 2 ' 1

In Suryaprajhapati 2S , the water-clock is said to be made of
a thin plate of brass or copper, capable of holding a prastha of
water weighing 1 2\ palas. It had a small hole at the bottom.,
through which water entered into the cup, when it was floated
in water contained in a bigger vessel. In 12 nadikas the vessel
would be filled 183 times. Hence within a nadika 15f prasthas
of water would get filled.

In the Buddhist work Divyavadana, a water-clock is des-
cribed in a detailed manner. At the bottom of a water-jar
holding a drdna of water, a hole should be made of a gold
pin. The pin must be made of gold of a quantity of
suvarna, drawn out four ahgulas in length, quite round or
square. The water will be completely emptied during a
ndlika. 23

In Suryasiddhdnta 33 also the nadika is determined by a
water-clock. A copper vessel (in the shape of the lower half

126

,-of a water-jar), which has a small hole in its bottom has to be
placed upon a clean water in a basin. It sinks exactly 60 times
in a day and night. This represents 60 nadikas per 24 hours.
Brahmagupta’s water-clock also tallies with this.

According to Kaptilya 32 , the duration of the time required
for the passage of one a$haka of water to pass out of a pot,
through an aperture of the same diameter as that of a wire of
-4 angulas in length and made out of 4 suvarriamasaka is a
nddika. The diameter of the wire of 4 suvarnamafakas, when
-drawn into 4 angulas length, is not mentioned.

In Tamil the water-clock is termed as nalikai vdf{il, through
which a nali or alakkus of water is made to drip down and
the time taken for the vaffil to be emptied is a nalikai.™
Dividing the day into nali, which is equal to 24 minutes, is still
in usage in Tamil-speaking areas and is used in South Indian
almanacs.

Muhurta is the only term where almost all the writers are
unanimous in stating that it is -fa of a day. The thirty-fold
division of the day as well as night is vaguely mentioned in a
single passage in JRg Veda.™ This has been compared by
Zimmer 34 with the Babylonian concept of sixty-fold division
of the day. The division of the day into 24 hours was first
proposed by the Greeks.

Ahdratra (day and night) is , the mo, st natural phenomenon
comprising 30 muhurta^ or 24 hours. It Is measured from
sunset to' sunset by Babylonians and Mohammedans. A Hindu
day starts with the first streaks of the rising sun. Here again
there are controversies. Aryabhata 35 has propounded two
-systems, audhdyika (the beginning' of the day with sun rise
at Lanka) and ardhararika system (beginning of the day at
-the midnight at Lanka), Brahmagupta accepts the mean
sunrise at Lanka, while Bhaskara 37 follows the mean sunrise
.at Ujjain. Varaharnihira 88 in his epicyclic cast in the
■Suryasiddhanta in Pahcasiddhantika follows the ardharatika
system, Lanka is an imaginary island in Indian ocean having
the same longitude as Ujjain (75°,52' East of Greenwich), but
situated on the Equator.

If the length of the day is measured with an accurate clock,
it is variable throughout, the year. Tlje day has to be reckoned

MgAS.UREMgNT OF TlmjE IN ANCIENT INDIA

127

either by naksatra or tit hi in the Hindu calendar. For religious
purposes to fix up festival days, the Hindus, Babylonians and
Greeks followed the lunar day which is known as ‘ tithV in the
Hindu calendar. This is practical, since calculation through a
visible sign (moon) is easier than other celestial bodies, which
are not so easy to locate through the naked eye.

Varna or Prahara stands for y of a day (3 hours). With
a view to regulating the occupations of the king, his day and
night were each divided into eight divisions of 90 minutes or
i praharas. There used to be a night watch for each prahara.

Naksatras are the lunar mansions, named according to the
conspicuous star group marking the moon’s path. The lunar
zodiac was earlier divided into 28 parts and later on into 27.
In Pg Veda, it is used in the sense of a star. 39 The earliest
reference about naksatras 'is from Atharvana Naksatrakalpa. i0
In Taittriya, Kathaka and Maitrayani Samhitas, Aitareya
Brdhmana 39 and Vedahgajyotisa' 11 , the names of the naksatra
were mentioned along with the Vedic deity.

This terms naksatra has been interpreted in various ways.
In Satapatha Brahmana, it is explained with a legend and is
resolved into na-ksatra (no-power). The Nirukta refers to the
root ‘naks’, to obtain. Aufrecht and Weber derived it from
nakta-tra, ‘guardian of night’ and more recently the derivation
from ‘nak-ksatra’ which means ‘having rule over night’ seems
to gain acceptance. 39

The Indian names for the naksatras (differ from the Greek
astronomical names, as can be seen from the following table:

TABLE I

Indian Name

Astronomical Name

1 .

Asvini

Arietis

2.

BharapI

Musca

3.

Krttika

Aleyni

4.

Rohipl

A3 debar an

5.

Mrga&sa

Orionis

6.

Ardra

Betelgues

7.

Punarvasu

Pollux

8.

P.usya

Canori

9.

Asle$a

Hydrai

128- MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA:

Indian Name

Astronomical Name

10.

Magha

Regulus

11.

Purva-Phalgunl

Leonis

12.

Uttara-Phalgum

Denebola

13.

Hasta

Corvi

14.

Citra

Spica

15.

Swati

Arcturus (Bootis)

16.

Visakha

Libra

17.

Anuradha

Scorpionis

18.

Jyestha

Antarus

19.

Mula

Scorpii

20.

Purvasadha

Sagittarii

21.

Uttarasadha

Sagittarii

22.

Sravana

Aquilae Ablair

23.

Dhanistha (Sravistha)

Delpbin

24.

Satabhisak

Aquarii

25.

Purva Bhadrapada

Markab

26.

Uttara Bhadrapada

Pegasi

27.

Revat!

Piscium

The naksotra abhijit, which occurs between Uttarasadha and
&ravana is not counted at present, though mentioned in Vedic
literature. The Chinese system of sieu had at first 24 naksatras

and later was increased to 28 at about 1100 B.C. They are
not integrated with a religious system as in the Hindu and the
Greek calendars.

The system of quoting dates by naksatras is as old as
quoting by tit his. This system is more prevalent in South
Indian literature and epigraphy. As early as the famous story
of Kovalan in Silappadikaram 42 (756 A.D.), naksatras are
mentioned. For example, a day would be distinguished as the
6th tithi of the moon in the dark half, with the moon in
nakfatra Sravana. Thus the day gets a more specific fixation
in the lunar month, which has a bright half and a dark half.

Week days are the meeting ground for the calendar all over
the globe. The 7 day cycle, is probably a convenient division
of the lunar month of 28 days. It is probably helpful for fixing
a day of rest after protracted work for a fixed number of work-
ing days.

The ancient Vedic Aryans had a saddha i& , a cycle of six

MEASUREMENT OF TIMB IN ANCIENT INDIA

.129

days and there were no separate names attached to these days.
The Egyptians had a ten-day week or decade, the tenth day
being the market day and after marketing people can rejoice.

The Babylonians had at first a week of 5 days, which is
approximately £ of a lunation and later on increased it to 7
days, which is approximately J of a lunation. The Babylonians
named the day after the planets, in the order of their apparent
distance from the earth, and identified them with their chief
gods, who were said to have some special power under them.

1 2 3 4 5 6' 7

Planet Saturn Jupiter Mars Sun Venus Mercury Moon
God Ninib Marduk Nergel Shamash Ishtar Nalu Sin
(Pestilence) (king) (war) (justice) (love) (writing) (agricul-

ture)

Further the day was divided into 24 hours, and each of the
7 gods was supposed to keep watch over each hour of the day
in rotation. The day was named after the god, who kept watch
at the first hour. Thus on Saturday, the watching god for the
first hour is Ninib or Saturn and the day was named after him.
The succeeding hours of Saturday were presided over as
follows:

1234567 8 9 1011 1213 14 15 16 17 18 192021 22232425

Watching god

1234567 1234567 1 2 34567 1 23 4

The 25th hour is the first hour of the next day and the
presiding. planet is Sun. Hence Sunday comes after Saturday.
To the Babylonians, Saturday was dedicated to the god of
pestilence and they avoided work on that day for fear of
offending the deity. These week days were observed in pre-
Christian era, by Assyrians, Babylonians, Egyptians, Greeks,
Romans and Jews.

The great propagandists of the seven-day week were Jews,
who conferred on the week days some sanctity by inventing
the creation myth, in the opening chapters of the BibIe(Genesis
ch. 1 and 2). The Jews did not adopt the planetary names for
the days, but first, second and so on upto the Sabbath day.
The seventh day which was the end day of the Babylonians',,
was the day of rest.fpr Jehovah after his, laborious creation.

130

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Jews attached so much sanctity to Sabbath day that they would
not do any work on that day. Taking advantage of this,
Romans attacked Jerusalem on the Sabbath day, and carried
the city, without a fight, because the Jews would not do such
profane things as fighting on a Sabbath day and led by their
priests, they expected Jehovah to bring punishment on the
offenders for the sacrilege. 44

The Christians changed the Sabbath 'day from Saturday to
Sunday, since they would not have the same day as the Lord’s
day as the Jews.

For naming the important days of Christian liturgical year
such as Holy Thursday, Good Friday, Holy Saturday, etc., the
week days were utilised. Here they had some difficulties. The
Jewish festival of Passover, on which Christ is alleged to have
been crucified, took place on the first full moon after vernal
equinox and it had no reference to week days. The Christians
wanted the Resurrection on Lord’s day. Hence the Bishops
decided that the Easter, that is, the Resurrection of Christ
should be considered having taken place on a Sunday, follow-
ing the first full moon after the vernal equinox. This resulted
in having Easter on any day between March 22 and April 25,
with an amplitude of 35 days.

Here, it is unlike the Hindus, who have to adjust their reli-
gious festivals in relation to Sun and Moon and not in relation
to the week days. The Christians have to satisfy theSun (vernal
equinox), the Moon (full moon) and the Babylonian seven-day
planet hierarchy for fixing the Easter day (day of Resurrection
of Jesus). From this pivotal day, the other important religions
festivals are determined. For example. Good Friday is two
days before Easter and Palm Sunday seven days before Easter
Sunday. Hence finding out the date of Easter in a given year
is not an easy task.

The Romans had the eight-day week, in which the eighth-
day was a market day on which the country people went to the
oity to sell their product, do their own purchases, and attended
to public and religious affairs. In or soon after 250 A.D. the
Roman world had the seven-day week Using the planetary
names, which can be understood from a well-known statement
by 'Dion Cassius (first Quarter of the 3rd century A.D'.). In his

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

131

37th book, he has mentioned the capture of Jerusalem by
Pompeii in 63 B.C. on a Saturday, owing to the reverence of
the Jews for Saturday (their Sabbath day). He further remarks
■that the week days, originated in Egypt and it was of recent
growth in Rome and was in general use in his days. 41 a

It was the Christian Emperor Constantine who confirmed
the venerable day of the Sun as a general day of rest and hereby
the seven-day planetary week became definitely substituted for
the nondinal eight days week.

Week days in India is also a later development. In the end
•of Sdrdulakarnaddna, in Divyavaddna the planets were
mentioned but not in the same order of the week days. Venus,
Jupiter, Saturn, Mercury, Rahu and Ketu were mentioned
followed by Sun and Moon. According to M. Sylvian Levi,
they are not found in the Chinese translation which was
translated in 3rd century A D. Jayaswal argues that perhaps
they must have been left out in the Chinese translation,
because they might have been difficult in translating. This
argument does not seem to be valid. 48

. In the second prasna of Baudhayana dharmasutra 46 during
tarpana the following verse is mentioned.

“Om, I satiate Aditya; Soma, Angaraka; Budha; Brhaspati;
Sukra; Saniscara; Rahu; Ketu.” Since the planets are
mentioned in the same order as the week days, perhaps the
week days might have been hinted. It is not very certain
whether they have any connection with week days, since Rahu
and Ketu were also mentioned in the end. This is (the Hindu
-concept of navagraha (nine grahas). Aryabhata (499 A.D.) in
Kdlakriyapdda Wa mentions the 24 hours of the day and also
the same rule similar to the Latin writer Firmicus Maternus
{334 to 354 A.D.) and the Greek writer Pavlus Alexandriners
{378 A.D.) in relation to the hours and their ruling planets,
namely Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury and Moon;
(beginning with Saturn which is the farthest from the Sun. 4 ®
Whether by intention or coincidence, the Jewish system was
followed, even though no logical conclusion could be added
for linking any particular planet with any particular day. or
any part of the day.

Since, the Hindu astrological order of the planets start with

132

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Sun followed by Moon, Mars. Mercury, Jupiter, Venus and
Saturn, the Hindu calendar also follows the same order, which
fits in with the Jewish system also.

The earliest kno.wn genuine instance of the use of the
planetary name of a day in India is in 484 A.D. found in the
Eran Inscription 47 of Budhagupta from the Saugar district,
which mentions the date as the (Gupta) year 165 on the twelfth
tithi of the suklapaksa of Asada and Suragurordivasa. The
term Suraguru applies to Brhaspati , the preceptor of the gods
(Jupiter). The next instance is found in a copper plate grant
of the eastern Calukya King Visnuvardhana II, from Nellore
District. 48

Whether the week days were the outcome of the Western
influence or a legacy from Syria, it has to be accepted, that
they did not originate from India. But some how, the days of
the week have been interpreted by Hindu astrologers as
auspicious and inauspicious. In this also, no doubt, they are
carried away by the Babylonian superstitious beliefs, along,
with their ingenuity of naming each day after a God. This led
to the beliefs that the planets, representing Gods, rule the
human destiny and let in a flood of astrological superstitions,
from China and India in the East and Roman Empire in the
West. Even the iconoclastic Arabs appeared to have had great
faith in astrology. Leaving aside the astrological factor, the
week days have played part in determining the chronological
investigations. The Very first reference where the week day
has played part, is in connection with fixing the dates of the
Last Supper and- crucifixion of Christ. By means of the week
days occurring in the Gospel- narratives of the New Testament,
it is ascertained that these events must have happened in one
of the three years namely 29 A.D., 30 A.D. or -33 A.D.,
although it will always remain a disputed point in Which of the
three years these events really happened. 49

By the same way, though the seven-day week became a tool
for inventing myths by the astrologers, it became a problem,
when religious festivals had to be calculated. Hence, the -major
religious festivals could not be disturbed, but they continued
to be adjusted to season by the use of intercalary months.

Determined efforts have'been made to get rid of the seven-

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

133

day week and the snperstitition grown around it. The makers
of French revolution introduced a ten-day week (decade) like
the Egyptians three thousand years earlier. The Bolsheviks
experimented with a five-day week and a six-day week and
ultimately returned to the seven-day week. The ancient
Iranians had no week days, but named the days of the month
after a god, e.g., day of Ahura Mazda, day of Mithra, etc.
Later on they also adopted the seven-day week.

At present the seven-day week is accepted by all, except
some Jewish Rabbis. The introduction of an extra day at the
end of each year two extra days during each leap year,
which belong to no week, is considered as a sacrilege by
them.' 14

Fortnight (paksa) comprises 15 days or half a month.
Paksa is entirely based on the Moon’s revolution. The dark
half (kYsnapakga) ends with the new moon (amavasya) and the
bright half ( suklapaksa ) ends with the full moon (pourna-
masa ). Special names are given to the fortnights in
Taittriya Brahmana namely Pavitram > Pavayisyan , Putaft ,
Medhyah , Yasah, Yasasvdn, lyuh, Amrtah . Jivcih, ' Svargah.
Lokah, Sahasvan , Sahiyan , Ojasvan , Sahamana , Janayan ,
Abhijayan, Sudravinah , Dravinodah, Ardra-pavitrah, ffarikedah,
Modah and Promodah.

In this connection, reference may be made to about a
fortnight of 13 days. In Mahdbhdrata , Vyasa during his
conversation with Dhritrastra seems to have : ,told that he has
known fortnights with 14, 15 and 16 days but never of one
consisting of 13 days, which occurs once in 1000 years and
since such one has occurred at that time there would be a
great onslaught. Later works Muhurta Gmyapatx and Muhurta
Cintamani also refer to the occurrence of lunar fortnight of
13 days. 51

There is a lot of controversy on this statement. According
to Dr M.N. Saha the full moon cannot fall on the thirteenth
•day after the new moon, probably the observers occasionally
used to miss the first day of appearance of the thin crescent
after full moon, due to the moon’s nearness to the Sun or
some other reason. The Moon is f generally invisible for two
or three .nights round about, new moon, and this was probably

134

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

the origin of widespread mourning for three nights. 44 Swami-
kkannu Pillai asserts that the fortnight of 13 days occur
periodically. Accordingly to him it has occurred in 1805, 1813,.
1830, 1847, 1849, 1861, etc., and the statement that the fort-
night of 13 days occur once in 1000 days is not correct. 62
According to Swamikkannu Pillai the lunar fortnight of 13
days occurred on July 14th and August 24th in 1914; when the
great war broke out.

This controversy is similar to the Id moon or crescent,
which is sometimes visible on the second day and sometimes,
on the third. The visibility may also differ in different places.
If the Moon is sighted on the third day, obviously, one day in
a fortnight will be counted less.

■ Month is a natural division of time unlike the week. There
are two types of months namely solar and lunar.

As has already been stated, according to ancient astrono-
mers earth was considered to be at the centre and stationary
while the Sun was revolving around it. They divided the
circle of the Sun’s path into 12 zodiacal signs each of 30° arc.
The time required for the Sun to pass completely from one
sign to another, or the time during which the Sun remained in
one sign, constituted the solar month or saura masa.

Lunar month is the time of one lunation. The moon,
actually traverses the sky, that is, starting from one point and
returns to the same point in about 27£ days but since the Sun
moves in the same direction it takes a little longer time to
reach the Sun length, which makes it 29.5 days as the length
of the lunar month. The month either starts with the full
moon ( purnimanta ) or new moon ( amanta ). The Greek, the
Roman and the Jewish months started with the new moon.

The phases of the Moon is very important for the fisher-
men and the hunters. Moreover, the full cycle of the Moon
coincide with menstrual cycle of women, which was deemed
to be of great significance by the primitive tribes.

Islamic countries followed the Babylonian system of
reckoning days by the Moon and the first day of the month
started from the evening of the appearance of the thin crescent
of the Moon in the western horizon after the ne v moon and
the successive days are known as the second, third day of the

135

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA
Moon.

A month of 30 days and a year of 12 months was generally
accepted by most of the ancient countries. The term masa is
repeatedly mentioned in Rg Veda. 63 In Vedic literature, both
dmanta as well as purnimdnta systems of reckoning are men-
tioned. In Taitfriya Brdhmana 64 , along with the names of
half months (fortnight), the following 13 names of the months
are also mentioned (one adhtmasa or the extra month).

Arunah , Arunarajah, Pundarikafy, Visvajit, Abh'jlt , Ardrah,
Pinamana , Unnavan , Rasavan Irdvdn > Sarnosadah, Sambharah
and Mahasvdn (13th month).

The names of the months according to Rg Veda and Jaina
calendar are as follows:

TABLE II

Modern names

Rg Vedic
names

Jaina names

English names

1. Sravana

Nabhas

Abhinanda

July-August

2. Bhadrapada Nabhasya

Supratista

August-September

3. Asvayuja

Isa

Vijaya

Septem ber-October

4. Kartika

Urja

Prithivardhana

October-November

5. Marga£ira

Sahas

Sreyan

Nov-December

6. Pausa

Sahasya

Siva

December-January

7. Magha

Tapas

SiSira

January “February

8. Phalguna

Tapasya

Haimavan

February-March

9. Caitra

Madhu

Vasanta

March- April

10. Vaisikha

Madhava

Kusumasambhava April-May

11. Jyestha

Sukra

Nidaga

MayJune

12. Asada

§uci

Vanavirodhi

June- July 68

The names of the month later on were derived from the
lunar asterisms. In this, the months were generally named
according to the constellations in which the full moon
appears. As for example, the month in which the full moon
appears in the Asterism Citra (spica or virginis) is Caitra.

The names of the solar months, however, were borrowed
from the names of the zodiacal constellations in which the
Sun was situated, as it is observed in Kerala State. It is in
vogue in Southern almanacs even today. It is difficult to State
the date, when this adjustment of. the months to naksatras

136

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

took place. These names are frequently mentioned by Manu.
The Sanskrit names of the zodiacal signs are as follows:

Mesa (Aries), Risabha (Taurus), Mithuna (Gemini), Karkafa
(Cancer), Simha (Leo), Kanyd (Virgo), Tula (Libra), Vrischika
(Scorpio), Dhanus (Sagittarius), Makara (Capricorn), Kumbha
(Aquarius), and Mina (Pisces).

It is to be noted that since the. orbit of the earth is elipti-
cal, all the solar months are not of same duration, but vary
from 29 to 32 days. Because of the inequality and the differ-
ence in duration between solar and lunar months, sometimes
two lunar months may begin in a solar month. In that case
both the lunar months are called by the same name, the first
being the intercalary ( adhika ) and the second as natural (nija).
A more definite rule is that the lunar month in which no
sankrdnti occurs is called adhika and bears the same name as ~
that of the next lunar month which is called nija or suddha
or prdkrJta to distinguish from the intercalary month. The
latter is the month in which adjustments are made. Less
frequently, two solar months occur in the same lunar month.
In that case there will be a lack of one lunar month corres-
ponding to the second sankrdnti that is one month suppressed
(ksaya masa).

Solar months are observed in Tamilnadu, Kerala, Bengal
and Punjab. Mostly other states follow lunar calendar.

The panchdngas based on Suryasiddhdnta (9th century
A.D.) vary slightly in different places. One lunar month
generally ends and the next begins during the course of the
solar month. The solar month taken as the current civil
■month received the name of the first lunar month as in
Tamil country but in Bengal and Punjab, the name of the

second. Therefore, the successive Citirai and Vaikasi in

Tamilnadu, and Medam and Edavam in Kerala will be called
Baisakho and Jyoistho in Bengal and Baisakhi and Jyestha in
Punjab.

Moreover, when the days are stated in the present

Gregorian calendar, the dates will not be the same in every

year. Mesa sankrdnti which was on March 16 on 400 A. D.,
was on March 27 in 1700 A.D., and was on April 13 in 1976
A.D. By the same way the date of Diwali does not fall on the

MEASUREMEMT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA '

137

same date in all the years.

Seasons (rtu) which are natural phenomena have been
■classified differently in different nations. Egyptians calculated
their seasons in relation to the annual flooding of the Nile,
"which had been the most important feature in them civilization.
Between succeessive risings of the water, the Egyptians desig-
nated three seasons; the season of the inundation, the season
•of the sowing and the season of the harvest. These natural
happenings were associated with the heliacal rising of the dog
star, Sirius, the brightest star they saw in the sky.

In European countries the four seasons, summer, spring,
autumn and winter were in vogue. This classification is in
relation to the weather conditions occurring due to the regular
cycle of the summer and winter solistice and the autumn and
the vernal equinox.

In ancient India the season can be traced from Rg Vedic
period. The term caturmasya or four-monthly denotes the
festival of the Vedic ritual held at the beginning of the three
seasons of four months each, into which the Vedic year was
divided. The Vedic sacrifices commenced with the beginning
of each season. Vaisvadeva coincided with Phalguni full moon,
the second Varuna praghadas coincided with the Asdda full
moon and the third Sdkamedha with the Karttiki full moon.
There were, however, alternate datings. The festival can also
be held at Caitri, Srdvani and Agrahayani full moon. The
first mentioned Vaisvadeva sacrifice must be the starting of the
summer followed by spring; the second Varunapraghasas, as
the name suggests relates to the rainy season and the third
Sdkamedha the winter season. This division of three seasons
are enumerated in the Brahmana literature also . 68

In one passage of the Rg Veda the terms vasanta (spring)
gri$ma (summer) and sarad (autumn) are given. In another
passage five seasons namely vasanta, grisma, varsa, sarad and
hemanta and disira are mentioned. In the Brahmana literature
hemanta and sisira have been divided and thus six seasons are
mentioned. This six-fold divisions may be a later development
after the Rg Vedic period, for use in the agricultural opera-
tions.

138

: MENSURATION IN. ANCIENT INDIA

The names of the seasons differ in Taittriya samhita and
Satapatha Brahmana , 57

TABLE III

Seasons Taittriya Samhita Satapatha Brahmana

Vasanta (spring) M&dhu and Madhava
Grl§ma (sunnier) Sukra and §uci
Var§a (Rainy) . Nabhas and Nabhasya
Sarad (Autumn) I§a and Urja
Hemanta (Winter) Sahas and Sahasya
Sisira (cool months) Tapas and Tapasya

Rathagri^ta and Rathanjaia
Rathasvena and Rathacitra
Rathaprata and Asamartha
Tarkeya and Arisfanemi
Senajit and Susena
Tapas and Tapasya

The Jaina calendar 55 mentions five seasons namely rains,
autumn, dewy, spring and stammer, the seasons commencing
with Asada . It will not be out of place to mention here that
Kautilya also referred to the year beginning with the summer
solistice at the end of Asada. Perhaps, since the year
commenced with the rainy season, the name varsa has been
acquired for the year. Buddhist calendar refers to three
seasons, namely, hemanta , grlsma and varsa. 5 *

Ayana (the period of 6 months) stands for just one- half of
a year. There are two ayanas namely Vttarayana and Daksi-
ridyana . They refer to the north-ward and south-ward courses
respectively of the Sun. According to Veddnga Jyotifa,
Uttardyana (sun’s northern phase) takes place when Sun and
Moon join in Dhanista (Delphinus) at the beginning of Magha ,
while j Dak?inayana in the month of Srdvana at the half of
Aslesa. 59 Kautilya 60 has also recorded the traditional
occurrence of the ayanas in A§lesa and Sravana . These two
days denote the winter and summer solstices.

Samvatsara or yean most of the countries considered the
year to consist of 360 days, divided into 12 months in ancient
days. This was on the basis of 12 full periods of the moon,
which is roughly 30 days. Egyptians have preserved a story of
how they found out the mistake and rectified it into 365 days.
The year continued to be 360 days and the last 5 days were
supposed to be the birth days of gods, born out of illicit union
between Seb and Nut namely Otitis, Iris , Nephthys , Strand
Arulis, five chief gods of the Egyptian pantheon. Ancient
Egyptians noticed that 365 days cannot be the exact length of

MEASUREMENT. OF TIME; IN ANCIENT INDIA

139»

the year, since the heliacal rising of the bright star Sirius and
the arrival of the animal flood of Nile at the Egyptian capital
did not coincide. The bright star Sirius, which stood for the
Egyptian goddess Isis and was carefully observed for ritualistic
purposes by the priests who noted down that the Su.n returned
to the same point, not after intervals of 365 days, but only
after 365 J days. The Egyptian priests kept this knowledge
only to themselves fojr a long period, so that it enabled them to
predict the date of the annual flood and maintained their
influence and hold on the public. The attempts made by
Ptolemies (320 B.C.-40 B.C.) to reform the calendar was
opposed by the priests. Later Julius Caesar reformed the
calendar which is nearly the modem Gregorian calendar, with,
leap year occurring every fourth year.

The Aztecs had a completely different duration for. the year.
The Maya people, who lived in southern Honduras, Guatemala
and Yucatan dwelt on great vistas of time. The calendar of
the Aztecs or Maya people was based on a different type of"
calculation. The Maya calendar year consisted of 260 days,
20 day names attached to the numbers 1 to 13 both reentering.,
cycles, which ran concurrently. Since there are 20 names and
only 13 numbers, the number attached to any name increases
by 7 at each recurrence, while 13 is deducted, if the totaL
exceeds the number. 61

The 260-day sequence or Tonalpolhualli, perhaps, might be
the primitive calculation of the period of gestation, that is, the
period from conception to birth. This indeed must be analogous
to the Indian concept of the period of pregnancy to . 10 months,,
in which the periodic month must be 27 days or nak?atra masa.
For keeping count of the seasons there was a year of 365 days-
composed of 18 months of 20 days each, with an extra 5 days
at the end of the year. These five days formed a period of"
extreme misfortune called “CJayeb” and other names descrip-
tive of their dire nature.

Solar as well as lunar years are mentioned by Vedic seers.
The early astronomers in India divided the Sun’s path into
twelve zodiacal signs each of 30° arc. The Sun, passing in its.
annual course, starting from the first sign Mesa (Aries), enters-
and leaves in turn each of the twelve signs, thereby completing:

140

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

the circle of 360°. This complete circle is associated with the j

revolution of earth around the Sun. This they considered as f

.360 days and has been so recorded in tbe Rg Veda. ^

In Samaveda sutras different types of months and years are l

mentioned. They refer to (1) years with 324 days, i.e., periodic \

years with 12 months of 27 days each, (2) years with 351 days, ;

i.e., periodic years with 12 months of 27 days each, plus
another month of 27 days, (3) years with 354 days, six months
•of 30 days, and six months with 29 days (in other words lunar
cynodic years), (4) years with 360 days (ordinary civil [savana]
years), (5) years with 378 days which is Thibault clearly shows,
are third years, in which after two years of 360 days, 18 days
were added to bring about correspondence between civil and
solar years of 366 days. Years of 366 days were mentioned in 1

Y eddnga Jyotisa and by Garga. 62 ;

The insufficiency of the lunar year is apparent from the
passages in Taittrlya Samhita 63 and Qatapatha Brahmana u , :

where the chaos in sowing and reaping was dealt with. :

Hence the ancients regarded the year as 360 days (lunar
year) which is less than the tropical year by 5J days. The
•difference in six years will be 31J days. So every sixth year
one month is intercalated to make up for the difference. This I

intercalated month is termed as udvatsara , §anisrasa (slippery), j

samsarpa, malimula or malimulu . At present this is known as j

* adhimasa (extra month) or mala masa (unclean month) . \

The Jaina works Suryaprajndpti and Kalalokaprakdsa 65 !

refer to four types of years. :

1 . Naksatra samvatsara \

2. Yuga Samvatsara (cyclic year of 60 lunar months) j

3. Pramana samvatsara

4. Sani samvatsara \

Naksatra samvatsara (sidereal year) is of 12 kinds as Sravana f

Bhddrapada , etc. When Jupiter completes the whole circle of
-constellations once, it is called a naksatra samvatsara of 12
;years. This is calculated as 12 naksatramasas =12 x 27 fy days 4

=327 days+fr day. ?

Yuga Samvatsara consist of 60 lunar months plus two inter- |

salary months. This can be calculated as follows:

Lunar year = 29 Jfx 12=354 days+/ T days. {

|

I

t

I

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

141

Intercalary lunar year =12 x30$=366 days. Once in 30
solar months there will be one intercalary month.

Pramdna samvatsara is of five kinds namely naksatra
(sidereal) rtu (seasonal), Candra (lunar) Aditya (solar) and
intercalary lunar years.

Naksatra and lunar years have already been explained
above. Rtu samvatsara is of 360 days and is also called karma
(work) and savana (engagement) samvatsara. Solar year is of
366 days consisting of 12 months of 30$ days.

According to this the following calculations can be made:
Solar year 366 days Solar month 30$ days

Rtu, Karma or Savana year 360 days Karma month 30 days
The lunar year 354 5 6 T days Lunar month 29$f- days

Nak$atra year 327$$ days Naksatra month 27f$ days

Intercalary 383$$ days Intercalary 31$§|- days

lunar month

Thus in a yuga or cycle of 5 years (1830 days) there are 60-
solar months or 61 savana months, or 62 lunar months of 67
naksatra months. The intercalary months are considered for
the adjustment in the total number of days. Leaving aside
these calculations, the different types of years which were in
use can be summed up as follows.

1. Civil year of 360 days of 12 months which was most
common. An intercalary month was added every sixth year..
It is still in vogue in most of the almanacs.

2. Sidereal year : Aryabhata,® 6 , Brahmagupta 87 and

Bhaskara® 8 calculated the year from the heliacal rising of a
bright star at- the intervals of 365 <and 366 days. They observed
that the selfsame stars returned year after year at the same
time and place and the path of the Sun and Moon amongst
them could be followed. The heliacal rising of a naksatra is its
first visible rising after its conjunction with the Sun, that is,
when it is at sufficient distance from the Sun to be seen on the
horizon, at its rising in the morning before Sun rise, or at its-
rising in the evening after sunset. This is termed as sidereal
year (sider-star) or astral year. The Nirayana Hindu almanac
follows the system.

3. The solar year of the one complete revolution .of the
earth around the Sun starts with Sankrdnti and not with full

142

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

.moon or new moon. Generally, it starts with Mesa Sankranti
in the month of Caitra. Purely solar reckoning is adopted in
Bengal, Punjab, Tamilnadu and Kerala.

4. The luni-sotar year is the year which begins with the
first tithi of the bright half of Caitra. Here the year begins
•with the new moon after Mina Sankranti, except when Caitra
is an intercalary month. This is observed as Yugadhi in
Karnataka and Andhra and Gudipadva in Mahara^ra at pre-
sent. This date falls generally in March. It may be noted
that the earliest Roman calendar, which contained 10 months
comprising of 304 days started with the first of March.

The twelve-year cycle of Jupiter : This is the time taken by
Jupiter to make a complete circle around the Sun. The names
of the s amvatsaras or years are determind in two different
ways. It has been stated by Varahamihira, “with whatever
naksatra (Jupiter) the counsellor of Indra, the lord of the
.gods attains (his) rising, the year is to be spoken of (as) having
the application of that {naksatra), in accordance with the order
■of the month”.. Here the term rising indicates the, heliacal
.rising. Jupiter .becomes invisible for some days in the western
Jiorizon, before and after his conjuction. with the Sun, that is
when the Jupiter comes nearer the Sun. It is then said to be
resting. .This state of invisibility remains for a period of
f wentyfiv.e to thirtyone days. .After this when Jupiter becomes
visible in the east, he is said to. rise. 71 , ; - ,

Varaha-qiihira gives the names of twelve-year cycle starting
•with Kartika. ■ The names are given to the samvatsaras,
•according- to .the particular ngksatras, in which the heliacal
rising takes place. Of the, twentyseven naksatras, two are
-assigned to each of nine of the twelve months and three to each
■of the remaining three months. The names of the lunar months
are used as , the names of the samvatsaras of the twelve-year
cycle of Jupiter. .. .. , .

;Twelye-year cycle of Jupiter is now determined by the mean
•sign system, with the aid of mean longitude of a heavenly body
•which is the longitude of an imaginary body of the same name,
conceived to move uniformly with the mean motion of the real
fcody. .

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

143

TABLE IV

Registration of the names of the samvatsaras from
naksatras

Name of grouping of naksatras

Name of the months allotted
to samvatsaras

Krittika, Rohini

Karttika

Mpga, Ardra

Margasirsa

Punarvasu, Pusya

Pausa

Aslesa, Mag ha

Mdgha

Purvaphalguni , Uttraphalgum , Hasta Phalguna

Cttra , Swati

Caitra

Visakha, Anuradha

Vaisdkha

Jyesfha, Mula

Jyestha

Purvdsadha » Uttarasddha (Abhijit)

Asadha

^ ray ana, Dhanistha

feravana

Satataraka , Purva Bhadrapada ,
Uttara Bhadrapada

Bhadrapada

Revati , Adwini, Bharanf

Aswina ( Asvayuja )

Aryabhata in his An abhatiya, in Kdlakriyapada states,
“the revolutions of Jupiter, multiplied by the signs (12 rasi)
are the years of Jupiter, the first of which is Asvayuja”.
Brahmagupta in Brahmasphuta siddhanta 53 also puts this in
similar words. In this system, the signs are intended to be
according to Jupiter’s clean longitude. Suppose that on a
certain day Jupiter’s mean longitude is 10 signs and 12 degrees,
then he is in the 11th sign. Then, counting from Aivdyuja, we
have Sravana as the current samvatsara.

The usage of this 1 cycle of twelve years is now very rare. It
is almost unknown to people in many parts of India. Heliacal
rising and setting is mentioned only in almanacs for religious
purposes. When Jupiter is invisible some duties and ceremo-
nies such as marriage, pilgrimage, etc., are to' ’be a voided.
Hence the dates of his resting periods are considered necessary,
in order to fix the auspicious times for such occasions.

The, cycle of twelve animals (one animal per year) is
common from Turkestan to Japan which is as follows; rat, ox,
tiger, hare, dragon, serpent, horse, goat, monkey, : cobk/ dog

144

MENSURATION. IN ANCIENT INDIA

and bear. Its relationship to Jupiter cycle is not clear.

The Mayans observed a cycle of 13,515 days, comprising
52 ritual years of 260 days each. The Indians, however, follo-
■\ved a 60-year cycle (5 Jupiter cycles).

Jupiter cycle af sixty years : In this reckoning each calendar
year received a name from a given list of sixty names which is
as follows:

1. Prabhava

31* Hemalambha

2. Vibhava

32. Vilambin

3. Sublet

33. Vikarin

4. Pramoda

34. Sarvarin

5. Prajdpati

35, Plava

6. Ah gi rasa

36. Subhakrt

7. Srimukha

37. Sohhakarana

8. Bhava

38. Krodhin

9. Yuyan

39. Visvdvasu

10. Dhatri

40. Pardbhava

11. Iswara

41* Plovanga

12. Bahudhanya

42. Kilaka

13. Pramathin

43. Saumya

14. Vikrama

44. Sadharana

15. Vr$a

45. Virodhikft

16. Citrabhanu

46. Paridhdvin

1 7. Subhdnu

47. Pramadin

18. Tar ana

48. Ananda

19. PSrthiva

49. Rdksasa

20. Vyaya

50. Anala or Nala

21. Sarvajit

51. Pingala

22. Sarvadhdrin

52. Kdlayukta

23. Virodhin

53. Siddhdrthin

24. Vikfta

54. Raudra

25. Khara

55. Durmati ^

26. Nandana

56. Dundubhi

27. Vi jay a

57. Rudirodgarin

28. Jaya

58. Raktaksa

29. Manmatha

59* Krodhana

30. Durmukha

60. Ksaya or Aksaya

Aryabhata and Brahmagupta gave no rule for finding . the-
samvatsaras of the sixty-year cycle. Only in Brhatsamhita and

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

145

Suryasiddhanta the sixty year cycle is mentioned. The former
starts with Prabhava, while the latter work starts with the year
Vijaya as the first of the series.

The years of Jupiter or Jovian *cycle of sixty years, were
classified by Varahamihira into twelve yugas of five years each,
the yugas being known after their respective presiding divini-
ties, namely (1) Yisnu (2) Surejya (Bfhaspati) (3) Balabhid
(Indra) (4) Mutasa (Agni) (5) Trasta, (6) Ahirbudhaya (7)
Potr (Mars) (8) ViSvadeva (9) Soma (Moon) (10) Sakranala
(Indragni) (11) As win and (12) Bhaga. The five years of yugas
are known as (1) Samvatsara (2) Parivatsara (3) Idavatsara
(4) Vatsara and (5) Idvatsara. 76

Calculation of Jovian year seems to differ from each and
every Hindu authorities. Most of the writers, however,
conclude that, the duration of the Jovian year to be 361.02
years of 361 days and 30 minutes, which is roughly 4 days less
than the sidereal year.

The Jovian calendar or Barhsapatya samvatsara as consist-
ing of 12 years is at present a misnomer for the following
reason. If heliacal rising is considered as the basis for the
Jovian calendar, since the interval between two risings is
generally 399 days, in twelve sidereal years there will be only
eleven Barhaspatya years, that is, there will be only eleven
conjunctions of the Sun and Jupiter. Hence in a cycle of
twelve Jovian years, there will be only eleven conjunctions
instead of twelve. Similarly when we consider the sixty year
cycle, since there are roughly four days difference between
luni-solar calendar, and the Jovian calendar, in every 85 or 86
years one year will have to be expunged or . suppressed.
Expunction means, the omission to give the samvatsara its
name, so that it does not affect the duration of the cycle. The
general rule is that, the name of fthe samvatsara current in
Mesa Sankranti of any year is attached to the whole year, not
withstanding the fact, that another samvatsara may have begun
before its close. As for example when the 9th samvatsara y
Yuvan, is current in Mesa Sankranti , but ends two months
later when the 10th samvatsara ^should begin, still the whole
year will be considered only as Yuvan.

In this there is a difference in northern and southern

146

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

reckoning subsequent to 900 A.D. Prior to 900 A.D. as can
h>e seen from the grant of Rastrakuja King Govinda III 78 , both
in the north and south the expunction was followed. The
•grant was issued on the bright fortnight of VaiSaka of the year
Subhanu (corresponding to 804 A.D.). This has taken into
account the expunction. The Anumkopda inscription 79 of the
Kakatlya King Rudradeva dated as 3 aka 16 Citrabhanu,
which corresponds to 19th January 1163, does not take expunc-
tion into account, since on the northern reckoning it should
have been Vijaya and not Citrabhanu.

From the examination of the epigraphical records chrono-
logically, the following facts emerge. The names of the years
■according to Jupiter’s sixty year cycle, are only occasionally
.met within the of Northern India, while they are very common
in South India. The use of 12 year cycle is found in seven
inscriptions so far; five records of the Maharajas Hastin and
Samsobha and two grants of Kadamba chieftain Mrigesa-
varman. The earliest inscriptions to record the year according
to the sixty year cycle fare from Nagarjunakonda. 80 Records
■at the time of the Iksvaku King VIrapurusa Datta (second half
•of the 3rd century A.D.) and another of his son Ehuvula
:Santamula (close of the 3rd and early part of 4th century A.D.)
refer to samvatsara Vijaya. The date of the former corres-
ponds to 273 A.D., while the latter to 333 A.D. The next is in
the Mahakuta pillar inscription 81 of Calukya MangaleSa (597-
■610 A.D.) of Badami, dated in the year Siddhartha
•(Siddharthin).

It will be interesting to note that the Chinese history and
the annals of the Chinese emperors, were written with
•reference to cycles of 60 years. 60 year cycle was in use in
•Chaldea under the name of Sosos. Cycles of 600 years called
Neros and another 3600 of years were also in vogue in
Chaldea.

Yuga as a cycle was mentioned as early as in Rg Veda. 3 *
The expression ‘dasame yuga' applied to Dlrghatamas in one
passage in Rg Veda, is translated by Wilson, as a lustrum of five
-years, whereas in the Vedic Index it is given as tenth decade.
In Rg Veda, yuga appears to have had different meanings. It
refers to a short period as well as long periods of time.

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

147

The cycle of four yugas, kali, sayana, treta and krta as a
cycle of yuga occurs first in Brahmana literature. In Yajur
Veda the terms samvatsara, parivatsara, idavatsara, idvatsara
and vatsara occur, ft is not clear, whether these constitute a
yuga or years. In Vedanga jyotisa it is clearly stated that a
cycle of five years constitute a yuga. 83 According to this work,
the cycle starts with the bright fortnight of the month of
Magha and ends with dark fortnight of Pausa.

Later on each yuga seems to have developed into a very big
unit of time with several years. Aryabhata considers krta,
treta, dvapara and kali having equal number of years, which is

1.080.000 years and the total yuga or mahayuga to be of

4.320.000 years. In Varahamihira’s Paiicasiddhantika and in
puranas^ the duration of each yuga vary considerably.

In Varahamihira’s Romaka siddhanta 86 in the Panca-
jiddhantika a yuga is . said to comprise 2850 years, while in
Suryasiddhanta 86 it is said to be of 4,320,000 years.

According to Brahmagupta 88 , krtayuga consist of 1,728,000
years. Treta of 1,296,000 years, dvapara of 864,000 years, and
kaliyuga of 432,000 years and the total being 4,320,000 years.
This coincides with the Puranic idea of the yugas 89 calculated
in the order of 4:3:2: 1 on the total number of years.

Manvantara according to Brahmagupta and Puranas is a
period consisting of 71 repetitions of four yugas, while Arya-
bhata considers a manvantara to be of 72 repetitions of the
four yugas. In the beginning of krta, ?there is a sandhya or
junction of 14,4000 years. In the beginning and at the close of
treta, there is a junction of 108,000 years and similarly in the
beginning and at the close of dvapara there is a junction of

72.0000 years, while at the beginning and close of kali 36,000
years. The present manvantara is called Vaivasvata, after the
patriarch of the manvantara Vivasvan . 89

Kalpa is considered to be the day time, of one day of the
<3od Brahman. 14 manvataras plus the junction periods is said
to constitute a kalpa, according to Puranas and Brahmagupta. 90
In the beginning and at the close of each manvantara there are
■sandhis or junctions, each equal to the measure of krta. Thus,
■one kalpa will be equal to (71x14) yugas +15 sandhis=

148

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

994 yugas+ 15 X 1.728,000 years =994 yugas + 15

yu gas— 994 yugas+6 yugas =1000 yugas = Brahma’s day.
Aryabhata 91 , however, considers a kalpa to be of 14x72 yugas
which comes to 1008 yugas.

At the end of the day time of Brahma, everything is said to-
get destroyed and in the night, chaos prevail and is supposed
to be followed by his starting the creation again. This process
of creation and destruction is said to alternate during the life
of a Brahma, which is called a Mahakalpa and is said to last
for 100 years, each composed of 360 such days and nights.
Then everything is supposed to be overwhelmed (mahapralayay
by the final deluge, until another Brahma comes spontaneously
into existence. Here again, Aryabhata in Kdlakriyapada 93
expressed that even Brahma cannot cover the whole span of
universal time, since the time has no beginning nor end. The
idea seems to be that a Brahma dies followed by another
Brahma and so on as a continuous process.

Bhaskaracarya in Siddhanta sir omani 93 , also asserts a simi-
lar opinion starting that “since this same time had no beginn-
ing, I know not how many Brahmans have passed away”.

According to Suryasiddhanta we are said to be in the kali
yuga of the twenty eighth caturyuga (cycle of four yugas), in the
seventh manvantara, in the first kalpa , in the second half of the
life of Brahma. According to the calculation of Suryasiddhanta
we are sttRonlyfntbe dawn of kali age, which lasts for 36,000’
years. Theday time with all its deprived characteristics fully
developed*. Will not begin until 32,890 A.D. This day time-
period will remain for 360,000 years followed by a twilight,
period of 36,000 years. 89

This type of lengthy duration of an enormous period is also-
found in pre-historic China. Between 7 B.C. and 22 A.D. a
treatise on the calendar, written by Lin Hein, the imperial
librarian of whbm Sarton 94 reports, refer to a period of
23,639,040 years.

The Greek and Roman 89 astronomers sought for a period,
in which different planetary revolutions were completed* It is
termed as exeligmos by Greeks and annus magnus or
mundanus by the Romans. This represents a pariod of evolu-

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

149

tion and revolution, in the course of which, any given order of
things run through an appointed course and is completed by
returning to the state from which it started. They adopted
•exeligmos, beginning and ending with the conjunction of the
Sun, Moon and the planets that corresponds to the first point
•of Me$a, which conjunction of course involved a new moon
and the vernal equinox. 95 This conjunction is also indicated
by Aryabhata in Kalakriyapada, The yuga (i.e. the Mahayuga
-or caturyuga ) the month and the day began altogether at the
beginning of the bright fortnight of Caitra. w

To sum up, time as a measure on dimension, is based on its
relation to natural phenomena. The bigger units of time like
the day, month, seasons and year are in relation to the rotation
of the earth on its axis, causing the day and night; revolution
•of the Moon ' around the earth resulting in the concept of
months and the revolution of the earth around the Sun leading
to the sequence of seasons and calculation of the years.

In developing the smaller units of time, quite an ingenuity
has been used by people in the past, particularly in the absence
of the mechanical clocks as in modern times. The smaller units
of time in ancient India like paramanu, anu trufi, tatpara, etc.,
are impractical. The units like guruvalcsara, matra, etc., has
greater usefulness for measure of meters in music than for
■calculation of time. These types of minute divisions are seen
in the Jewish measurement of time also. They have divided
their hour into 1080 parts or halequim, each haleq equalling 33
seconds. A haleq is further divided into 76 regaim. It is
•difficult to equate these minute divisions and correlate them
with the units in other countries.

No doubt most of the time units are the legacy of the past,
-dividing the day by 24 hours and the hour into 60 minute and
minute into 60 seconds which has its relations with the division
•of the zodiac into 360°. The Egyptians and the Jews had the
-day divided into 24 hours, while the Indians divided the day
-into 30 muhiirtas or 60 nadikas, with 2* nadikas making an
hour. Even today the Hindu almanacs use the nadikas for
•calculations of time.

There are two systems relating to the calculations relating
to a day, either as beginning at midnight or at the dawn

150

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

(i ardharatrika or audhdyika systems). The Egyptians began
their day at dawn, while Babylonians 97 , Jews and Muslims,
calculated it from sunset to sunset.

The Indian day is calculated in the almanacs in relating to
tit his and naksatras, A day is normally known as the day of
the fortnight, for example, prathama , dwitlya, etc., or of any of
the 27 naksatras like Aswini, Bharani etc. The tithi or naksatra,.
which is identified with a day is that tithi or naksatra which
was current at sunrise on the day in question.

Though the tithi or naksatra may have ended, the next
minute after sunrise, and the next tithi or naksatra may have
been current for the whole of the remaining day, it is the tithi
or naksatra current at sunrise which gives its name to the day.
Nevertheless, in numerous inscriptions, the tithi or naksatra
quoted is not at which was current at sunrise on the day in
question, but that which commenced at some part of the day
and would be current at sunrise, only on the next day. 08

At present in the almanacs, Indian time is kept in ghatikas
(s\ of a day or 24 minutes). Each ghatikci ( naligai in Tamil) is
divided into palas (Tamil vinadi or of a ghatika or 24
seconds). The day is not reckoned from midnight to midnight
as in European calendar, but from sunrise to sunrise. Since
there are as many panchdngas as the number of cities in India,
the sunrise is not the same in all places. Hence, one central
place is selected and with necessary corrections, it is applied to
other places. The central latitude in Equator and central
longitude is 75° 46'6" East of Greenwich in which an imaginary
island, Lanka in Indian ocean is taken into account. This.
Lanka has no connection with §rl Lanka (Ceylon). 98

The next unit of time, the week, which has been discussed,
in detail earlier is not of Indian origin but derived from
Babylonian times. For verifying Indian dates the week day is-
very important. Indian dates is pronounced as often unverifi-
able, in the absence of week days. To ‘verify’ a date, is to-
show that it is equivalent to a particular day, month, year and
almost all the details and that it would be inconsistent with any
other day, during a certain number of years. For instance, a
date such as Tuesday 10th tithi and naksatra Ardra without
reference to month, can be verified as a rule only for a period.

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

151

of 3, 7 or 10 years, because at this period it will recur with
same details. If the year is also cited, then all the details can
be seen consistent with the given year and not with any other-
year for the next 3, 7 or 10 years. When a date is given merely
with lit hi, naksatra and year without a week day, it cannot be
verified, because, in every year, a combination of such a tithi
and naksatra is bound to recur. Hence the date and year
cannot be free from error."

For the Christians the week days are very important, since
they wanted the Resurrection of Christ, to be placed on a
Sunday. It is to be noted that nowhere in the Bible, the
day of the crucifixion is mentioned. Christ was alleged to have
been crucified on the Jewish festival of Passover, which is the
first full moon after the vernal equinox.

The fortnight, which is a division of half of a month is the
easiest to calculate. Moon as well as crescent, is easily visible
without any mechanism and 2counting is easy. Month, which
is generally a twelfth of a year, is counted from the movements
of Sun and Moon. The word ‘masa’ ilso means Moon.
Another synonym for the moon is ‘masakit’. Similarly the
English word month is derived from Moon. The passage in
Psalms 18, 19 “He appointed the moon for seasons” indicate
the basis for lunar months. The ancient astronomers also
noted that the Moon moved from star to star and came back
to the first star in 27 solar days. Since the Sun also moves in
the same direction the naksatra masa or sidereal month actually
takes 29.5 days.

Another way of counting the Moon’s phases, which is very
easy and practical, is from new moon to new moon, or full
moon to full moon, which is roughly 30 days. This system
was followed by Babylonians and at present by Islamic
countries. In India the exact length of the period is calculated
as 29J days. Actually the moment of new moon is the moment
when Sun and Moon have the same longitude. That is, the
same distance measured from a fixed point in the heavens.
Various aspects of life and activities in the past were reckoned
with the Moon. Hunting with the help of Moon was an aid to
economic planning of the ancients. Nine Moons of pregnancy,
six Moons between sowing and reaping were facts that were

152

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

important to everybody and were easily ascertained.

Solar month is a variable unit, which is the time taken by
Sun in its motion over 30°, of the eliptic. The commencement
of the solar month is termed sankranti, that is the moment
when the Sun enters a constellation of the zodiac Solar
months vary from 29, 30 to 31 days. It is not necessary, that
the days should be the same in all years. As for example,
Citfirai (caitra) had ordinarily 31 days, but it also had only 30
days in certain years.

The solar calendar is described by some authors as luni-
solar calendar, since the months are named after the zodiacal
constellations, in which the Sun is situated.

Calculation of the commencement of lunar month is
characterized with more certainty, since the moon’s phases are
patents and observable facts; whereas the course of the sun
cannot be perceived. It is difficult to ascertain with certainty
as to at which definite stage on a particular day the Sun is
placed. Hence the astronomical commencement of a solar
month varies, unlike the lunar month, where there is uni-
formity throughout. At present in Orissa, the solar month
Amli or Vilayati eras begin on the day of the sankranti irres-
pective of the moment it commences. In Bengal, when the
sankranti takes place between sunrise and midnight (or
between 0 hrs. and 18 hrs. Lanka), the solar month begins on
the next day. When it occurs after midnight (45 ghatikas ), the
solar month commences on the third day. In Tamilnadu, if
the sankranti takes place on any day before sunset (12 hrs.
Lanka), that day is the first day. If sankranti takes place after
sunset (between 12 hours and 24 hours Lanka time), the next
d'ay is the first day. In Kerala the day between sunrise and
sunset is divided into five equal parts. If the sankranti falls
within the first three parts, the. month begins on the same day,
otherwise on the following day. 100 Even in these, the opinions
differ a lot, among the astronomers of the past and present.

Seasons are important factors in determining the year. The
simplest of all types of time reckoning is by correlating
between synchronous natural events. For example, from the
blooming of certain plants and the appearance . of birds, the on
coming rain can be forecasted. In Egypt, flooding of the Nile,

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

153

was an important factor in predicting the seasons.

Most of the activities of the primitive men were dependent
on seasons. Agriculturists followed the seasons for sowing
and harvest. Hunters and fishermen, relied on the seasons to
assess the seasonal migration of animals and fish.

In ancient India, the years starting with Madhu and
M&dhava were later replaced by Caitra and Vaisakha. Caitra
and VaUakha were described as spring month in Maha-
bhara ta. m

Later on Phalguna and Caitra were considered as spring
months. 102 This is due to the solar or lunar years being not
reconciled with the tropical year. The solar Jjjyear is longer by
0.0165 days than the tropical year. Hence in 1800 years, the
seasons jtwill fall back by a month and this is what had
happened in the calculations of the years.

The next and most diversified astronomical constant is the
year. The earliest divisions of the year must have been based
on the seasons. The first month of the year appears to have
been based on certain astronomical sequences, but later on
some important event like the foundation of ja new city, as in
the case of Rome or with the movement of people from one
area to another as in Israel or with some religious significance.
These also coincided with certain cardinal points in the year.
To give a few examples Mosaic law has enacted that Abib, the
month in which the, Israelites came out of Egypt, was to be
observed as the first month of the year. It was in this month
the feast of Passover was celebrated and that green ears of corn
were brought to the priests as the first fruits of the harvest.
The earliest ripening of barley fin Palestine was in April, with
the first month of the year starting at about the time of vernal
equinox (April 22nd). After the captivity of the Israelites, the
names of the months were changed, the first being Nisan. In
order to keep the first month at the correct position, thirteenth
month was intercalated.

The earliest Roman calendar started in March containing
ten months comprising 304 days. Greeks had the year first
divided into three seasons, spring, summer and winter and
later on autumn was added. Winter began with the heliacal
setting of the Pleiadas and ended with vernal equinox. Spring

154

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

continued until the heliacal rising of Pleiadas; summer until
the heliacal rising of Arcturus and autumn occupied the
remainder of the year, until and next heliacal setting of
Pleiadas. 10B This also coincided with the four cardinal points,
namely the two solstices and two equinoxes. The coldest and
the longest night is 22nd and 23rd of December, which is the
winter solstice and the hottest and the longest day is 21st
or 22nd June which is the summer solstice. These are the
times when the Sun is farthest from Equator. 20th or 21st
March and 22nd or 23rd September are the days, when the
day and night are equal since the Sun crosses the Equator on
these days.

The Hindus had the idea of tropical year, that is the year
which brings the seasons round at the same time of the year
as given in Vedanga jyotisa. In Vedanga jyotisa, Daksinayana
is counted from half of Aslesa (113° Hydrai), while Uttarayana
is counted from the beginning of Dhanis{ha (290° Delphin ) in
the month of Mdgha. According to Varahamihira, Daksina-
yana occurred in Punarvasu in (Cancer) Kataka 90° and
Uttarayana in (Capricorn) Makara 270°. In 700 A.D. Uttara-
yana fell on 21st December while in 1600 A.D. on 29th
December and at present it comes on 13th or 14th April and
occurs in Ardra naksatra. Apart from these controversies,
it can be stated that in the time of Vedanga jyotisa (3000 B.C.),
the year started ( Uttarayana ) in or after winter solstice.

In Tamilnadu, Kerala, Bengal and Punjab, the year starts
with Mesa Sankrdnti which falls at present on 13th or 14th
April. 50 years ago, it was in April 11th, and 5000 years ago,
if any reckoning has been kept, it would have begun on I5th
February. Actually, the Kaliyuga era is said to have started
from 18th February in 310 B.C. The commencement of this
reckoning can be considered as having started in, at about
vernal equinox.

In places like Andhra, Karnataka and Maharasfra, where
the lunar calculations are observed, the year starts on the first
day after new moon on Caitra which falls in March, however,
in places like Gujarat, the year starts with Diwali following
Mahavira’s parinirvana following the new moon day starting
with Kartik, which falls in October. They must have followed

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

155-

the autumn equinox for their calculations.

The changes in the dates are due to the precession of the
equinoxes. Additions of an intercalary month helps to bring
back the seasons to the same position.

The calendars were modified from time to time by experts.
Even the present Gregorian calendar has a discrepancy of
0.0079 days or 11 min. 14 sec. longer from the tropical year.
In 10,000 years it will amount to a cumulative error of 2 days
14 hours and 14 minutes, but the error is not very significant.
This diference would cause the seasons to drift gradually
backwards over centuries.

In ancient India, for the eras several reckoning were in
use. There were reckonings connected with kings (Vikrama
era, Nevari era, Laksamanasena era) and with religious heads-
(Jain Nirvana era, Buddhist Nirvana era).

Though our literature is abundant with water clock, sun
dial and gnomon, so far archaeologist have not unearthed in.
any of these things. On the other hand in Egypt the sun dial,
water clock and plumb line dated about 500 to 1500 B.C. and
the decorations on the tomb of Sermut 1500 B.C.) 103 and the
calendar on the temple gateway of Kalasasaya at Tiahuanaco 104
are in existence.

Even though the Western calendar and time measusements
have come into practical use in the country, each era in India
still adopt their own regional calculations in their almanacs
for following their religious practices.

References

1. Time counts, The story of the calendar, p. 21.

2. Z.ryabha}iyam, part III, Golapada, V, 2 & 3.

3. The space guide book, p. 23, 24.

4. Arthasastra, p. 119.

5. Bhdgvatapurdna, 3,11, 1-14.

6. Brahmapur&ria, 23; 4-12.

7. Vatesvara Siddhanta Madhyarnadhikara, ch. I.

8. N&rada Mahapuranam, ch. V, 8-21.

9. Rasakaumudi, ch. IV, 97-101.

10. Siddhanta Siromani with Vasanabhdsya, ch. I, p. 3.

11. Siddhanta Sekhara, ch. IV, 12-14.

156

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

12. NatyaSastrci, 31, 5, 6.

13. Sangita cuddmani, I, 51-54.

Dattilam , p. 321, 324.

Sangita Makar anda, 263, 56-59.

14. Sangita Ratndkara, ch. V, 16.

15. Tolkappiyam, E]uththadikaram, 6, ‘Kappimai no<ji ena vavve
mattirai*.

16. Gapitasftrasamgraha , ch. I.

17. Brahmasphutasiddhdnta , Vol. I, V. 6.

18. Suryasiddhanta , p. 8.

19. Prasastapddabha$yam with the commentary Nyaya kaptfali of
Srldharacarya, p. 123.

20. Prasastapddabhd?yam with the commentary Kiranavali of UdayanS-
carya, p. 61.

21. Tdlasamudram , p. 6.

22. Abhidhdnacintdmapi , V, 136-137,

23. Vai jay anti, p. 21; 105.

24. Vedanga Jyotisa, (Rig), V, 32.

25. Manusmriti, I, 65-67, VIII, 139.

26. Vi§mpurdria , Section III, p. 433.

.27. 1915, p. 213.

Vedanga JyotUa (Yajur) V. 2, (Rig) 8.

IHQ, IV, p. 256.

.28. Suryaprajnapti, IMS, XVIII, No. 1.

29. Divyavadana , p. 644, line 21,

30. Suryasiddhanta , XIII, V. 23.

31. Brahmasphutasiddhdnta, Vol. IV, Yantradhyaya.

32. ArthaSastra, p. 107.

33. Sangam Polity , p. 218.

34. Vedic Index, Vol. II, p. 169.

35. Mahdbhdskariya, ch. VII,

Aryabhatiyam , Gftikapada, X, 18-19.

The present text gives only audhftyika system.

36. Brahmasphutasiddhdnta , 114.

37. Bhaskara, Spa?tddhikdra , V. 53.

38. Pancasiddhantika , ch. XV, 20.

39. Vedic Index,!, 409, 119.

40. Atharvana Nak?atra Kalpa, IV, 1-8.

41. Vedanga Jyotisa (Rig) V. 18.

42. Pillai Swamikkaunu, Ancient Indian Ephemeris , Vol. I, pt. I, 1927,
Appendix III.

43. Monier Williams, p. 1109.

-44. B.C. Law Volume , part II, p. 94.

44a. History of Dharma&astra , Vol. V, Pt. I, p. 677.

»45. JRAS , 1912, p. 1039.

IA, XLVI, p. 112.

MEASUREMENT OF TIME OF ANCIENT INDIA

157

46. Baudhayana dharmasutra , II, 5, 9, 91 .

46a. Aryabhatiyam , Vol. I; Kalakriyapada, 15, 16.

47. Select Inscriptions, p. 326.

In the Andhra insription of Saka 52, the terra “Dwitiyavare” may
refer to tithi and not week day.

C77, III.

48. £7, VII, appendix no. 550.

49. op. cit., Pillai Swaraikkannu, p. 16 (50),

Encyclopaedia Britanica , 11th edition, Vol, III.

Bible Chronology , New Testament.

50. Taittrlya Brdhmdna, 10, 1-3.

51. IA, XVI, p. 81.

52. op. cit, t Pillai Swamikkannu, p. 8 (29).

53. Vedic Index, II, 156-163.

54. TailtrTya Brahmana, 10, 1.

55. Suryaprajnapati, JMS , Vol. XVIII, no. 2.

56. Vedic Index, I, 110, 111.

57. /772,1V, p.983,

58. Abhidharmakoia , III, p. 179-180,

59. Vedanga Jyotipa, (Rig), V, 6, 7.

60. Arthatidstra, p. 120.

61. op. cit., Watkins Harold, p. 30.

62. Vedic Index, II, 411, 413.

63. Taittriya Sam hit a, VII, 5:3, 6.

64. Satapatha Brahmapa, XI, 1. 6. 61, 1-4.

65. Siiryaprajndpti.

66. Aryabhatiyam , ICalakriySpada.

67. Brahmasphutasiddhdnta , XII, 17.

68. Bbaskaracarya, Golfidhyaya, IV, 5-14.

69. Indian Chronography , p. 10.

70. Brhatsamhita , Vol. I, ch. VIII, V.I.

71. C/J, III, Appendix III.

72. Aryabhatiyam, Kalakriy&pada, V, 4.

73. Brahmasphutasiddhdnta, XIII, V, 42.

74. Varahamihira , VIII, V, 27-52.

75. Suryasiddhdnta, V, 81.

76. Varahamihira, VIII, V, 23, 24.

77. Indian Chronography , p. 46.

78. JM, VI, p. 126.

79. £4, XIX, p. 9.

80. El, XXXC, p. 1.

81. IA, XIX, p. 18.

82. Vedic Index, II, 192.

83. Vedanga Jyotisa (Rig), V, 29.

84. Markapdeya Pur an a, XLVI, p. 226, V, 23-28.

85. Romaka siddhanta in Poncas iddhdntika, ch. 1, V, 5.

$58

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

86. Suryasiddhanta , V, 17.

87. JLryabhatiyam, Kalakriyapada, V, 7, 8.

88. Brahmasphutasiddhanta , XIV, 4,

*89. JRAS^ 1911, p. 479.

Suryasiddhanta IV, 21.

*90. Siddhanta Siromayi, V, 26, 27.

Brahmasphutasiddhanta t I, V, 10.

*91. Zryabha(iyam , Kalakriyapada , V, 8.

-92, ibid, V, 11.

93, Siddhanta £iroma/ii, p. 10, V, 25.

*94. op. cit., Watkins, Harold, p. 27.

95. JRAS> 1893, p. 717.

"96. Z-ryabhafiyam, Kalakriyapada, V. 11.

97. “From even unto even shall ye celebrate your sabbath”.
Leviticus, XXIII, 32.

98. op. cit., Pillai Swamikkannu, 5 (18, 19).

99. ibid , 5 (20).

100. The Indian Chronography , p. 19.

101. IHQ , IV, p. 983.

102. A History of Technology , Vol. Ill, ch. 21, 569.

103. A History of Technology, Vol. I, ch. V.

104. op. cit, Watkins Harold, page 72.

Aryabhatiyhm (499 A.D.) Vatesvara Siddhanta (810 A.D.)

MEASUREMENT OF TIMB OF ANCBNTNDIA

159

i

i

»

sgi

sis

irt cx

0 c<3

s ^

Sb ^

« O'

> cd

1 s &

00 O a

o *§ VO

03.

** s *

cd O* J3
> c3 ’+1

rj 4-» «•

d rt ts

3 # *

rf o c\|

160

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

CHART II

Manu and Visijupurana Artbasastra Bhagavata and Brahraa-

(3rd century B.C. to (100 B.C. to 2nd purana (600 A.D. to

2nd century A. D.) century A. D. 1030 A. D.

2 paramaiju=ai}u

(0.000056 sec.)

3 apu <=trasarejju

(0.000167 sec)

3 trasarenu=tru(i
(0.0005 sec)

2 tru\i

=lava

100 truti

=»■ vedha

(0.06 sec)

(0.12 sec)

(0.047 sec.)

3 vedha

=lava
(0.142 sec)

2 lava

=*nime$a

3 lava

=nime§a

(0.24 sec)

3 nime§a

(0.427 sec)
=k$ap§

(1.28 sec)

18 nime§a =ka?tha

5 nime$a

=»kastlia

5 k$a$a

=ka§tha

(0,2 sec) (3.25 sec)

(1.2 sec)

(6.4 sec)

30 ka$tha ^kala

30 ka&t;ha

=kala

15 ka§{ha

—laghu

(1.6 min)

(36 sec)

(96 sec)

40 kala

=nalika

15 laghu

^nalika

(24 min)

(24 min)

30 kala =muhilrta

2 nalika

—muhurta

2 nalika

—muhurta

(48 min)

(48 min)

(48 min)

30 muhurta *» (day)

30 muhurta =(day)

30 muhurta=*(day)

(dinam)

dinam

dinam

MEASUREMENT OF TIME IN ANCIENT INDIA

161

Gani tasarasangraha
(850 A.D.)

Siddhanta sekhara
(1040 A.D.)
Siddhanta Siromani
(1150 A,D.)
Suryasiddhanta

Nyaya kaft<iali AbhidhanacintSmani

(9th century A.D. (11th century A.D.)
to 10th „ A.D.)

2 pararaSou^avali
no. of avali— uchchvasa
(0.75 sec)

7 uchchvasa=stoka
(5.3 sec)

100 truti=tatpara 2k?ana=lava
(0.00003 sec) (0.003 sec) (0.085 sec)

7 stoka=Iava

(37.4 sec)

30 tatpara=nime$a
(0.09 sec)

2 lava=nime$a
(0.17 sec)

18 nime$a— ka§tha
(1.6 sec)
30 ka$tha ==kala

18 nime$a— ka$tha
(3.2 sec)
30 ka${ha=kala

36 nime^a^ka^ha
(0.265 sec)
30 ka§tha— kala

38 £ lava— ghaji
(24 min)

30 kala— ghati

(24 min)

30 kala— k§ana
(4 min)

6 kgana— gha^ika
(24 min)

2 ghati— muhurta
48 min)

2 ghaji— muhurta
(48 min)

30 kala— muhurta
(48 min)

2 ghatika—
muhurta (48 min)

30 muhurta®* (day)
dinam

30 muhurta®* (day)
dinam

30 muhurta— (day)
dinam

30 muhurta— (day)
dinam

Conclusions

IN the foregoing chapters, the various measures — linear, area,
cubic, weights and time — used in ancient India were traced
chronologically from the smaller units to the larger ones. In
tracing these, efforts were made to indicate (i) the way in
which the concepts of these measures evolved through various
periods; (ii) the influence of the other civilizations on this
evolution; and finally (iii) how in different regions at the same
period and also in the same region at different periods, the
values associated with the measures of the same name differed.
To a cursory reader the information available in the literature
and epigraphical records on these measures, cannot but lead to
confusion and make him come to the conclusion that there was
no uniformity in mensuration concepts in ancient India and
that in the development of these measures, no definite system
•or approach was existing in the past. A critical examination
of these, however, will bring out the facts that there was an
undercurrent of unity in the development of concepts relating
to these measures, even though in the final forms of practical
usage, different regions followed different practices associated
■with local traditional usages. Even today, in spite of the
standardization rules relating to the various measures, the
traditional usages in different regions continue to be in vogue.

CONCLUSIONS

163

For example calculations of time in the astrological works and
also for use in almanacs, still the units of time like nalika ,
muhurta , etc., are used. With minor variations all over India,
use of these terms are common to fix the dates for religious
rites, for casting the horoscopes, etc. Some of the land
measures like chain lengths, special rod lengths, terms like
kdni , guntha , etc., are also in regular local usage.

The cubic measures like padi , nail, pdlli > etc., are also in
use in different areas, though the actual quantity connoted by
these terms, still differ in different regions. It looks as if the
original concepts regarding all these measures had a common
origin, which in course of time due to variations in usage
arising out of local needs and habits got modified into a sort
of a local system of measures, which were understood by the
local people. Since the trading was well known within the
country and also with countries abroad, people must have been
aware of the equivalents of these measures in different regions.

This feature is not unusual only for the measures in ancient
India. This same feature can be seen in an aspect of this huge
subcontinent, such as culture, language, food habits,* clothing
habits, etc., where there is apparently marked differences in
different regions, but still maintaining an undercurrent of unity
in all these also. This feature is the natural sequence of the
vastness of the country, with exposures to various cultural
influences both from within and from abroad and also to a
considerable extent to the ethnic differences in different parts
of the country.

The linear measures, which are the earliest to evolve, have
their origins in relation to the human limbs, since they
provided the most easily available standards to a reasonable
extent and fulfilled the limited practical needs. In almost all
parts of India the angula as a concept constituted the most
practical smallest linear measure. The hasta (cubit) was
another widely used measure and from these, the other larger
units got derived. Though these measures normally related to
the man of average build, since there can be some variations in
the size of individuals, variations ^did come in. In some
regions this was standardized to some extent by trying to fix
the dimensions relating to a particular individual (local chief.

164

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

king or the local deity). In addition to this varying factor,,
another concept in all these measures also added to the
confusion. There was a tendency to adopt three different
quantum of value for different measures depending upon the
use to which the measure will be applied. The VastuSastras
mention three different kinds of ahgulas namely kanistha (small)
madhyama (medium) and uttama (large). Similarly the length
of the rod or danda varied in measuring the lands given to
Brahmans, measuring furniture and for measuring forests. The
king or chieftains had their own measuring rods. These remind
one of the Biblical measures such as the length of the cubit for
the tabernacles being different from common cubit. The Jews-
had a common cubit, sacred cubit, as well as a Royal cubit.
Though in 20th century A. D., these appeer to be odd and is
difficult to equate them with modern measures, these appear
to have been well understood by the people of those
times and have been well recorded in the literature and
epigraphs. The monographs on VastuSastras have provided
sufficient information to the artisans and masons to create
cities and various construction without difficulty. In Mohenjo-
daro, the well formed baths, roads, the buildings etc., clearly
indicate that the people had their own standards for measure-
ments, without which, such constructions would not have been
possible.

For longer distances, Indians used the measures gavyuti or
kroSa, which is the distance from which the bellowing of a cow
or human voice can be heard and ydjana, which is the yoking
distance in a day or walking distance within a certain time.
These sort of measurements were in vogue in other countries
also. Chinese li, which is considered in text books as | of a
mile, is actually the distance covered by a coolie with a
standard burden. He is expected to cover so many li per day
according to the nature of the country and such coolie day
stages are all in multiple of 10 li. In parts of China, where'
there are no reliable maps the li distances are known. Every
10th li, there was a stage posts, at which the coolies used to
take rest, roughly one rest every hour. In mountainous
countries, the stage posts are closer, though in the Chinese
view, they are still 10 li apart. From the commercial point of

•CONCLUSIONS

165

view, the calculation of the distance in terms of time appears to
be logical. In mountain regions, notably Alps, guides give
•distances in terms of hours.

Areas were measured by the dandas or by the amount of
seeds required for sowing or by the yield of the land
'{kulyavapa etc.). This is like the word acre, which was
•originally applied to an enclosed land without any specific
measurement. It came to mean an area ploughed in a day by
-a yoke of oxen. On poor light soils, the area of an acre would
-exceed than that on rich heavy soils. The expected yield from
the two types of acres was roughly the same. In South-East
.Asia the cultivators measure the area of their rice fields, by
the number of baskets of seed sown in it. The quality of the
land is stated, in terms of the number of baskets of paddy they
•expect to harvest, compared with the number sown. Thus a
3 basket field of 50 baskets land, will yield in an average year,
150 baskets. The former is interested in knowing about the
seed required for sowing and the yield, rather than geometry.
This was simple and sensible to him though it gave no indica-
tion of the area of the land. This same principle applies to the
Indian area measures like kulyavapa, dronavapa, etc. Hence
to calculate them with modern measures will be difficult.

Great accuracy in weighing precious metals and stones was
•developed. The use of the seeds of uniform size, which was
in vogue in ancient India and other places continue to be in
mse even today among the jewellers. The common balance as
■well as one-pan balance depicted in coins and sculpture,
indicate that weighing was a common phenomenon among
■traders.

The intimate connection between the coinage and the weight
system is also well known. The standard unit of precious
metals became the standard units of value and this became the
•coin, when stamped with the royal insignia. Some of the
names of the coins indicate this relation in many cases. How-
ever, later on as the values of the metals varied, the face value
•of the coins became different from their intrinsic values.

In spite of the regional variations for weighing articles
other than precious metals, the terms palam, viss and man
imanangu , manangulu), seem to be in usage in several parts of

166

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA.

India. Man is a derivation from the Sanskrit word ‘mana\ to
measure. The weight it represented varied in different periods
in different areas. Even in Mughal India, man-i-Akbari weighed
55.32 lbs, while man-i-Shah Jehani weighed 73.76 lbs. For
weighing large bulks the terms like cart-load, ass-load and
head-load were used in the past and continued still in certain
places.

It appears that the cubic measures were often interlinked
with weights. Since, primarily the grains were measured, the
volume measures must have been equated with the weight of
the amount of grain which a particular vessel can deliver. The
hollow vessels used for measuring grains, oil, etc., must have
had some relationship to the weight also. For example musti,
which is the most convenient form of measure to give alms,
gifts of grains, etc., is equated with the pala. Approximately
a musti of paddy is found to be about 60 c.c. and weighs 32
gms. Several writers have often equated volume measures
like adhaka and drona with several pala which is a weight
measure and this indicates that cubic measures were interlinked
with gravitational measures. It is not out of place to mention
here that the ounce of the present day when it is used as a
cubic measure is nearly 28.5 cc. and it is 28. 5 gm taking into
consideration the fact that 1 cc. of water at 4°C is equal to 1
gm in weight. In the past in India also a similar idea must
have been adopted.

As in the case of varying values for man, in South India,,
the najj and padi varied during the regime of different kings.
Arulmojidevan nali the standard of Parakesari Rajendra Cola,
was smaller than that of Rajakesari nali, the standard of his
father Raja Raja. That is If of Arulmolidevan nali would
measure 1 nali of Rajakesari. These differences might perhaps-
be due to the change in the prosperity of the country.

Temple measures were also different in many regions.
Generally the measures in a particular region was the measure
used in the temple of that place. Adavalldn nali refers to the
temple measure of Cidambaram which was current in that
place.

All these somewhat resemble the concepts relating to the-
shekel of the sanctuary (Exodus 38:24), shekal of the king.

CONCLUSIONS

167

(Samuel 34:26), etc., mentioned in the Bible, showing different
weight standards of Jews of that time.

Time is a recurring cycle, in which the events repeat them-
selves in periodic sequence. This recurring cycle is the result
of the rotation and the revolution of the heavenly bodies.
Hence, just like the other corresponding civilizations, natural
phenomena were taken into account. The keen observations,
particularly in relation to the planetary and stellar movements
lead to a system of time measure, which enabled ancient
Indians to predict exactly several phenomena like eclipses,
meteors etc. For minute details, the duration was calculated
by the cracking of the finger, wink, etc. These developed into
bigger units leading finally to exeligmos like kalpa, manvantara,
etc.

Without the modern sophisticated equipments, development
of accurate systems to calculate them, indicates the great
observation power and skill of our ancient mathematicians and
astronomers about which our Nation can feel proud of. To
quote an example, the 5th century astronomer Aryabhata
suggested that the planets including the earth revolved round
the Sun. But the credit for expounding this heliocentric theory
is attributed by the Western scientists to Copernicus, who
expounded this theory in 1 6th century A.D.

No doubt the various measures mentioned above were not
standardized as in the twentieth century A.D. In modern era,
the standard of length may be defined as the distance under
specific conditions between two parallel lines, engraved upon a
material standard bar (line standard), or between two fiat and
parallel end surfaces of such a bar (end standard). Compared
to this, the ancient standards look somewhat crude and absurd,
and not scientifically exact or precise, but were easier to use
and understand. If the criterion for good scale is for con-
venience, then the primitive measurements are convenient in
their socio-economic context.

Finally the quaternary system appears to .have been quiet
prevalent. Though the archaeologists £have suggested the
existence of decimal system in weights, as far as literature is
concerned mainly quaternary or binary systems are £seen in
relation to mensuration.

APPENDIX-1

YOJANA FROM DIFFERENT SOURCES

1. According to Kautilya 4,000 dhanus or 384,000 angulas
is a yojana.

1760 X 0 1 0 2 0 X 3- W - 6 ’ 06 miles < 9 ' 7

2. If the angula is considered as £ of an inch, than it will be:

^o_ x j =4i 54 ( 7i 3 km .)

3. If Bhattasvamin’s interpretation is taken, the answer for
no. 1 and 5 will be double, i.e., 12.12 miles (19.5 km.) or
9.09 miles (14.58 km.).

4. According to Puranas, Mahavira, Sridhara, Bhaskara and
Jaina canonical literature 7 68, 000 angulas make one yojana

—^12=^=12.12 miles (19.5 km.)

If the angula is considered as 1".
l=- 1 rr Q ' = 9.09 miles (14.58 km.)

If the angula is considered as £".

5. The Kannada writer Rajaditya considers 76800 angulas as
a yojana. Hence, his yojana measures 1.21 or 0 - 9 miles
(1.93 or 1.08 km).

6. In Samaranganasutradhara, 106x1000x8 angulas are
mentioned as yojana.

X A TVViT—ff" 13 - 3 miles (21.4 km.)

considering angula as 1*.

7. In the BakSali manuscript, though 768,000 angulas are
considered as yoj..na, an angula measures 6 yavas or £".
Hence,

< 14 - 58 to >

make one yojana.

APPENDIX-2

Extract from the “Manual of the Administration of the Madras
Presidency Vol. Ill — Glossary, 1893; p. 17.

Weights and measures in the 19th century

Kanarese

4 seer

«= solage

16 solage

— balla

16 balla

« kolagam

1'

20 kolagam

= khandiga

!

14 seer

=» kalsi

)

3 kalsi

= mudy

Telugu

r

4 gidda

= sola

s>

;

2 sola

= tavva

2 tavva

= kunchamu

lb

4 kunchamu

= tumu (6 lbs-4 ozs)

%

20 tumu

Malabar

= putty

10 yadangazhi= parrah

1 yadangazhi= 113J c inches

Madras

10 pagoda

— palam = 3 tola

8 palam

= seer (9 oz 10 drams)

5 seer

= viss (3f lbs)

10 seer

= dhadiyam

8 viss

— maund (25 lbs)

10 maund

= pothy

2 pothy

= baram

170

MENSURATON IN ANCIENT INDIA

2 gundumani=
20 manjadi =

44 manjadi =

12 kalanju =

(5J tolas)

100 palam =

manjadi

kalanju

1 rupee (180 grains)
palam

tulam

Trichy

3 tola =

8 palam ■=
5 kutcha seer=
25 palam =
8 pukka seer =
32 tulam =

palam
kutcha seer
viss

pukka seer
tulam (15.4 lbs)
candy (403 lbs)

Cubic measures

In cubic measures, generally the contents in cubic inches of
any heaped measure, is the weight in heaped measure and
generally rice or 9 sorts of grains are used. It has been found
that raw rice averages 113 tolas weight to 100 c. inches.
Madras measure is 117 tolas weight when stuck and 128 tolas
when heaped. The volume of the Madras measure is 104 c.
inches when heaped.

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-Someswara, Manasollasa, ed. by Shrigondekar, G.K. GOS 28,
1925.

firikantha, Rasakaumudi, ed. by Jani, A.N. GOS, 143, 1963.

■ Sukra, Nitisara. ed. by Oppert, G. Madras 1882.

Suryasiddhanta, ed. by Dwivedi Sudhakara, Calcutta, 1925.

Suryaprajhapti, tr. in English by Sastry, R. Shama, in the
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!§rlpati, Siddhanta Sekhara, ed. by Misra Srikrishna, Calcutta
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5§rlpati, Ganitatalilaka, ed. by Kapadia, H.R. GOS 78, 1937.

Takkur Pheru, Ratnaparikshadi Sapta Grantha Sangraha,
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Talasamudram, Madras Government Oriental Series XLII, 1955

Taittrlya Brahmana, ed. by Misra Rajendralala, Bibliothica
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Taittrlya Samhita, ed. by Mahadeva Sastry, A. and Ranga-
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Vasislha Dharmasastra, SBE XIV,' 1882.

Vatesvara Siddhanta, ed. by Sharma Ram Swarup and Mishra
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Vedanga Jyotisa (Rg), tr. by Shamasastry, R., Government
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Modern Works

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Allan, J., Catalogue of coins in the British Museum — Ancient
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176

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Agrawala, V.S., India as known to Pdnini, University of
Lucknow, 1953.

Berriman, A.E., Historical Metrology, J.M. Dent and Sons,
London, 1953.

Bose, A.N., Social and rural economy of Northern India (600
B.C. — 200 A.D.) 2nd revised edition, Calcutta, 1961.

Childers, D.C., Dictionary of Pali Language, London, 1875.

Coderingtan, H.W., Ceylon coins and currency, Colombo, 1924.

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Cox Arthur, E., A Manual of North Arcot District, Government
Press, Madras.

Crooke, W., Trevels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier ,
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1925.

Dikshit, M.D., Excavations at Kaundinyapura, Bombay, 1968.

Elliot Walter, Numismata Orientalia — Coins of South India.

Edward Thomas, Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi ,
Munshiram Manoharlal, 1957.

Edward Thomas, Ancient Indian Weights, Prithvi Prakashan,
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Emeneau, M.B. and Burrnow, T.A., A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1961-64.

Glenville, S.R.K., The Legacy of Egypt, Clarendon Press
Oxford, 1942.

Irfan Habib, Agrarian system of Mughal India, Asia Publishing
House, 1963.

A History of Technology, Vol. I and III, Oxford University-
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Kher, N.N., Agrarian and Fiscal Economy in the Mauryan and'
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Kaye, G.R., Baksali Manuscript, ASI, NIS, XLII, 1927.

Macdonell, A. A. and Keith, A.B., Vedic Index of names of
subjects, Vol. I and II, Motilal Banarasidas, 1958.

Mackay, E.J.H., Further Excavations at Mohenjodaro, Govt, of

BIBLIOGRAPHY

177

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Majumdar, R. C., The History of Bengal Vol I. University of
Dacca, 1943.

Marshall, J., Mohenjodaro and Indus Civilization, London 1931.

Marshall, J., Taxila Cambridge, 1951.

Mehta, R.N., Pre-Buddhist India, Bombay, 1939.

Minakshi, C., Administrative and Social life under the
Pallavas, Madras University series no. 1, 1938.

Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangazeb Macmillan & Co. Delhi,
1923.

Moorecraft, W. and Treback, G., Travels in the Himalayan
Provinces, 1819-35.

Moticandra, Sarthavdha, Patna, 1953.

Niyogi Pushpa, Contributions to the Economic History of North
India from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century A.D. Pro-
gressive Publishers, Calcutta 1962.

Odette Monod Bruhl, Indian Temples, Oxford University Press,
1952.

Pillai Swamikkannu, Ancient Indian Ephemeris, A.D. 700 to
A.D. 799, Vol. I, 1927.

Puri, B. N. India in the time of Patahjali, Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, Bombay, 1957.

Popper William, The Cairo Nilometer, University of California
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Pran Nath, A Study of the Economic Conditions of Ancient
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Prinsep James, Essays on Indian Antiquities and useful tables ;
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Rao, S.R., Lothal and Indus Civilization, Asia Publishing
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Ray, N. R., Bengalir Itihas (in Bengali) Calcutta V. S. 1356.

Rhys Davids, Pali English Dictionary, London, 1912-1925.

Sastry, K. A. Nilakanta, Colas, University of Madras, 1935.

Sewell Robert, Indian Chronography , George Allen &
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Saletore, R.S., Early Chauhan Dynasties, Chand & Co. 1959.

Shastry Ajaya Mitra, India as seen in the Brihat Samhita of
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Sircar, D. C. Indian Epigraphy, Motilal Banarasidass, 1973.

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178

Sircar, D.C., Indian Epigraphical Glossary , Motilal Banarasi-
dass, 1966.

Sivaramamurthy, G. Amaravati sculptures in the Madras Govern-
ment Museum. Thompson and Co. Madras 1942.

Subram anyam, R., Salihundam, A Buddhist site in Andhra
Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1964.

Subramaniam. N., Sangam Polity , Asia Publications New York,
1966.

Vaidehi Krishnamurthy, Social and Economic Conditions in
Eastern Deccan, Kabir Printing Works, Madras 1970.

Yats, Madho Swarup, Excavations at Harappa, Vol. II,
Bharatiya Publishing House, 1975.

Watkins Harold, Time counts, the story of the calendar,
Philosophical Library, New York 1954.

Weiser, J. William, The Space Guide Book. Popular Library,
New York, 1962.

Yule Henry and Binnell, A.C., Hobson-Jobson, Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1965.

Select Articles

Agarwala, V.S., “The silver mashaka coins and their symbols,’
ms/ viii, p. 4i.

Altekar, A., “The Silaharas of Western India”, Indian Culture
Vol. II, p. 429.

Bhatt, Manappa, “Mathematics in Karnataka of the middle’
ages”, Bharata Kaumudhi p. 129.

Burgess, J. “Notes on Hindu astronomy and the history of our
knowledge of it”, JRAS, 1893, p. 717.

Bhattacharya Padmanath “Notes on hala and pailam in
Gujarat copper plate grants”, IA, LII, p. 18.

Das Sukumar Rajan “Hindu Calendar,” IHQ IV, p. 983.

“Astronomical Instruments of the Hindus,” IHQ IV, p. 256.
Dikshit Moreshwar “Narji, the one pan scales in Ancient
India” Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. 18, p. 5-7.
Dikshit Shankar Balakrishna,“The twelve year cycle of Jupiter,”
C/7. Vol. Ill Fleet, J.F. Indological Book House, 1963,
Appendix III.

Fleet, J.F. “The use of planetary names of the days of the week
in India” JRAS, 1912, p. 1039.

bibliography

179

“The lunar fortnight of thirteen solar days”, IA XVI, p. 81
“Kaliyuga era of B.C. 3102” JRAS, 1911, p. 479.

“The Ancient Indian Water Clock”, JRAS, 1915 p. 213.
“Dimensions of Indian Cities and Countries”, JRAS, 1907,
p. 641.

“The Yojana and the Li”, JRAS, 1906, p. 1011.
“Imaginative Yojanas”, JRAS, 1912 p. 229.

Gopala Reddy, Y. “Some measures and weights in Medieval
Andhra”, JAHRS, XXXII, p. 111.

Hodgson, A. “Memoire on the length of the Ulahee Guz of
Imperial Land measures of Hindustan”, JRAS 1843, p. 45.
Iyer Subramania, K.V. “A note on the Pancavara Committee”
£/XXiH, p. 25.

Jayaswal, K.P. “The week days and Vikrama”, IA XLVI

p. 112.

Jones Harold Spencer “The calendar” A History of Techno-
logy, Oxford University Press 1957, Vol. Ill, ch. 21.

Leach, E.R. “Primitive time reckoning”, A History of Techno-
logy Vol. I, Oxford University Press 1954, ch. V.

Mehta, R. N. “Sudarlana Lake”, JOIXVlll, p. 20.

Mehta, R. N. “Nagarkhanda a study JMSUB XVII, p. 110.
Margabandhu, C. Evidence of weights and measures during the
early historic period (300 B.C.-300 A.D.), JAPA, IV,
1976, p. 16.

Modi, J.J. “A note on Hala and Pailam measures in Gujarat”,
IA LI I, p. 249.

Sandesara, B.J. “Weights, Measures and Coinage of Gujarat”,
JNSI VIII, p. 146.

Sastry, Banerji, A. “Weights in India, Patna cylinders”, JBRS
XIV, 1928, p. 75.

Sastry, Shama “The Angula of six yavas,” JRAS, 1913, p.
154. Suryaprajnapti, QJMS

Saha, M.N. “Calendar through ages and its reform”, B.C.
Law volume, part II, p. 94.

Sarkar, A. K. “Tne coins and weights in Ancient India”, IHQ
VII, p. 689.

Sharma, R. S. “A survey of land system in India”, JBRS
1958, p. 227.

Shaw Caldecott, W. “On the restoration of the scales of Gudea

180

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

and its coincidences with the Sankereh tablets”. JRAS
1903, p. 274.

“Lineal measures of Babylon about B.C. 2500”, JRAS 1903,
p. 257.

Sircar, D.C. “Kulyavapa, dronavapa and adhavapa” Bharata
Kaumudhi II, p. 943.

“Udamana in Bengal epigraphs”, JIH XXXVI p. 309.
“Satamana”, JNSI XV, p. 142.

Thomas, F. W. “Some notes on Central Asian and Kharoshti
documents”, BSOAS XI, 1945, p. 549.

Vost, W. “Lineal measures of Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang”,
JRAS, 1903, p. 65.

Select Inscriptions

Bannerji, R.D. “Barrackpur grant of Vijayasena, the 32nd
regnal years”, El XV p. 278.

“Jesar plates of Siladitya III, Valabhi Samvat 357”, El
XXII, p. 114.

“Kadam, bapadraka grant of Naravarmadeva” V. S. 1167,
El XX, p. 105.

Barnett, L.D. Two inscriptions from Kolhapur and Miraj, El
XIX, p. 30.

Lakhmeswar inscription of the year reign of Jagadekamalla
II, the 10th regnal year, El XVI, 331.

Inscriptions from Yewur El XII, p. 336, 290.

Inscriptions from Belgaum, El XIII, p. 26.

Gagaha plates of Govindachandra of Kanauj S.S. 1199, El

XIII, p. 216.

Tuppad-Kurhati inscription of Akalavarsha Krishna III, El

XIV, p. 365.

Arthuna inscription of Paramara Chamupdaraya V.S. 1136,
El XIV, p. 293.

Bhandarkar, D.R. Sevadi stone inscription of Asvaraja V.S.
1167, £7X1, p. 28.

Nadlai stone inscription of Rajapaladeva (V.S. 1189) El
XI, p. 34.

Sanderav stone inscription of Kalhanadeva (Vikrama
Samvat 1230, El XIV, p. 9.

Lalrai stone inscription of Lakhanapala and Abhayapala

BIBLIOGRAPHY

181

. (V. Samvat 1233), £7X1, p. 50.

Bhintnal stone inscription of Udayasimhadeva (Vikrama)
Samvat 1306, El XI, p. 55.

Anavada stone inscription of Sarangadeva V.S. 1342, 74
XCI, p. 59.

Sanchor stone inscription of Samantasimhadeva (Vikrama
Samvat 1345, £7X1, p. 57.

Juna stone inscription of Samantasimhadeva (Vikrama)
Samvat 1352, £7X1, p. 59.

Bhattacharya, Dines hchandra, A newly discovered covered
plate from Tippera (The Gunaigarh grant of Vainyagupta;
the year 188 current (Gupta era), IHQ, 1930, p. 45.

Desai, P. B. Godachi plate of Kattiarasa, year 12, El,
XXVII, p. 54.

Gokarna plates of Kadamba Kamadeva, Saka 1117, El
XXVIII, p. 157.

Fleet, J.F. Eran stone pillar inscription of Budhagupta, the
year 165, C.I.I. III no. 19.

Maliya copper plate inscription of the Maharaja Dharasena
II, CII III No. 38.

Yekkeri rock inscription of the time of Pulakesin III, El V,
p. 17.

Chammak plates of the Maharaja Pravarasena II, C.7.7.
Ill no. 55.

Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions, IA, IV, p. 279.
Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions, 7 A VI, p. 109.
Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions; IA VI, p. 126.
Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions, IA VII, p. 33.
Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions, IA VIII, p. 23.
Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions, IA XI, p. 102.
Sanskrit and old Canarese inscriptions, IA XIX, p. 18.
Inscriptions from Managoli £7 III, p. 23.

Two Chera Grants IA XVIII, p. 109.

Bombay Asiatic Society’s copper plate grant of Bhlmadeva

II, Simha Samvat, 93, IA XVIII, p. 108.

Inscriptions relating to the Ratta chiefs of Saundatti and
Belgaum, JR AS X p. 199.

A stone inscription of the Sinda family of Bhairampatti, El

III, p. 230.

182

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Gupta, K.M. The Bhatera copper plate inscription of Govinda
KeSava deva, El XIX, p. 277.

Ganguly Dhiren Chandra, Saktipur copperplate of Lakshmana-
sena, El XXI, p. 21.

Haider, R. Dharavarsha Paramara and his inscriptions, IA
INI, p. 50.

Hiralal Rai Bahadur, Four Chandella copper plate inscriptions
(from Charkkari) Mahoba plates of Paramardideva
(Vikrama Samvat 1230). El XVI, p. 9.

Hultzsch, E. The two inscriptions of Vaillabhattaswamin temple
of Gwalior, El I, p. 154.

Mayidavolu plates of Sivaskandavarman, El VI, p. 88.
Chandalur inscription of Kumaravishnu II (year 2), El VIII
p. 233.

Sunak grant of Kama I, dated V. S. 1148, El I, p. 316.
Ganeshghad plates of Dhruvasena I (Gupta) Samvat 207
El III p. 318.

Iyer Subramania, K.V. Three Tamil inscriptions from Lalgudi
El XX, p. 46.

Pirimiyam inscription of the 20th regnal year of Konattan
Vikrama Chola El XXX p. 105.

The Tirumukkudal inscription of Virarajendra, El XXI p.

220 .

Iyer Venkatasubba, V. Tali inscription of Kodai Ravi, El
XXXIII, p. 216.

Kielhorn, F. Junagadh rock Inscription of Rudradaman, El,
VIII, p. 36.

Paifhan plates of Govinda III, S.S. 716, El III, p. 109.
Nilgund inscription of Taila II S. S. 90, El IV p. 204.
Kolhapur inscription of Silahara Vijayaditya S.S. 1065, El
III, p. 207.

Kolhapur inscription of Silahara Bhoja JII, Saka Samvat
1112-1115, £7111, p. 213.

Rajor inscription of Mathanadeva (Vikrama) Samvat 1016,
tf/III, p. 263.

Chamba copper plate inscription of Somavarmadeva and
Asatadeva, IA XVII, p. 7.

Dubhund stone inscription of Kachchapaghata Vikrama-
simhadeva the (Vikrama) year 1 145, El II, p. 232.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

183

Copper plate grant of Madanapala and Govinda chandra
deva (Vikrama) year 1166 , I A XVIII p. 16.

Pali plates of Govindachandra and his mother Ralhaijadevi
(Vikrama) Samvat 1189, El V, p. 113.

Chebrolu inscription of Jaya S.S. 1157, El VI, p. 39.
Siyadoni stone inscription (Santinatha temple) (960-1025),
El, I p. 162.

Copper plate grant of Maharaja Y aSovarmadeva (Vikrama)
year 1192 , 1 A XIX, p. 438.

Harsha stone inscription of Chahamana Vigraharaja, E/
VI, p. 116.

Banda district plates of Madanavarmadeva (Vikrama)
Samvat 1290, JA XVI, p. 206.

Kielhorn, F. and Krishnasastry, Salotgi pillar inscription, El
IV, p. 52.

Mahalingam, T.V. Two eastern Ganga inscriptions from
Kanchipuram, El XXXI, p. 95.

Mirashi, V. V. Dudia plates of Pravarasena II, C.LI. V no.

10 .

Chammak plates of Pravarasena II C.I.I. V, no. 6.

Wadgaon plates of Pravarasena II C.I.I. V, no 12.

Patman plates of Pravarasena III C.I.I. V, no. 13.

Abhona plates of Sankaragatta (Ralachur) VI year 347
C. 1. 1. IV, part I, no. 12.

Sarasvani plates of Buddharaja: year 361, C.I.I. IV, pt. I,
no. 15.

Spurious Kavi plates of Vijayaraja (Kalchuri) year 348
C.I.I. IV, pt. I no. 34.

Maity and Mukerjee Dhanaidaha copper plate inscription of
Kumaragupta (A.D. 432-439) C. B. I. no. 4.

Baigram copper plate inscription of the Gupta year 128
(1148 A. D.) C.B.I. no. 7.

Paharpur copper plate of the Gupta year 159 (479 A. D.)
C.B.I. no. 8.

Damodarpur copper plate inscription of Budha Gupta
(476-495 A.D.) C.B.I. no. 10.

Faridpur copper plate inscription at the time of
Dharmaditya” C.B.I. no. 14.

Belava copper plate of Bhojavarman, 12th century A.D.

184

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

C.B.I. 35.

Madhainagar copper plate of Laksmanasena (12th century
A.D.) C.B.I. no. 39.

Tarpandigi copper plate of Laksmanasena (12th century
A.D.) C.B.I. no. 41.

Anulia copperplate of Laksmapasena (I2th century A. D.)
C.B.L no. 42.

Sunderban copper plate of Laksmanasena (end of the 12th
century) C.B.L no. 48.

Ojha, R J., New plates of King Bhoja in the Indore Museum
(Vikrama) Samvat 1079, IHQ, VIII, p. 304.

Partabgarh Inscription of the time of (Pratihara) King
■ Mahendra II of Mahodaya V. S. 1003 ELX IV p. (76.
Pargiter, F.B., Three copper plate grants from East Bengal, I A
XXXIX, p. 199.

Pathak, K.B. Abkona plates of Sankaragana Kalachuri Samvat
347, El IX, p. 57.

Pandit Shankar Pandurang Translation and remarks on a
copper plate grant discovered at Tidgundi, in the Kaladgi
Zilla IA I, p. 80.

Rajabali Pandeya, 13th inscription from Shahbazgarhi cave
Asokan Abhilekhan no. 13.

Ramamurthy, G.V. Konkuduru plates of Allaya Dodda, S.S.

1 352, El V. p. 53.

Randle, H.N, India Office plate of Lakshmanasena El XXVI,

p. 1.

Rice Lewis, Penukonda plates of Madhava II (III) El XIV
p. 331.

Sastry Krishna, Mindigal inscription of Rajadhiraja S.S. 970
El V p. 205.

Sastry Visveswar Nath, Hathal plates of (Paramara) Dhara-
varsha (Vikrama) Samvat, 1237, IA XLIII, p. 192.

Senart, E., The inscriptions in the caves of Kadi, £7 VII p. 64.
The inscriptions in the caves of Nasik, EL VIII, p. 71.

Two Sailodbhava grants from Banpur, El XXIX, p. 33.
Sircar, D. C., Nagari plates of Ananga Bhima III, Saka 1151-
11 52 El XXVIII, p. 235.

Janvara inscription of Chahamana Gajasinghadeva and
Kelhanadeva (V. S. 1218) EL XI, p. 277.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

185

Two Ik§vaku inscriptions dated in the cyclic year Vijaya El
XXXCp. 1.

Patanarayana stone inscription of Paramara Pratapa simha
(Vikrama) Samvat 1344 IA XLV, p. 177.

Three plates from Pandukeswar (plate-3) plate of
Subhiksharajadeva regnal year 4, El XXXI p. 291.
Kendupatna plates of Narasimha II, Saka 1217 El
XXVII, p. 17.

Alagum inscription of Anantavarman, regnal year 62, El
XXIX p. 44.

Sircar D. C. and Sten Konow, Mathura Brahmi inscription of
the year 28, El XXI p. 55.

Sten Konow, Five Valabhi grants (Palitana) El XI, p. 104.
Venis Arthur, Pachar plates of Paramardideva, V.S. 1133, El X,
P- 43.

Vogel, J. Ph., Prakrit inscriptions from a Buddhist site at
Nagarjunakonda; El XX, p. 21.

Index

Abhayap&la, 9:.

Abhidhanacmtamapi, 49, 66, 67,
112, 116, 125, 156, 161.
Abhidbfinappadlpika, 16, 32, 53, 74,
75, 87, 104.

Abhidharmakaga, 157.

Abhijayan, 133
Abhijit, 128, 135.

Abhinanda, 135.

Abhona, 38.

abnus precatorius, 100, 102-4,

108.

Abul FazI, 8, 11, 15, 17, 23, 61, 74,
95.

Abyssinian, 15.

Acaradhyaya, 114.
achit, achita , 97,

Adavalldn, 81, 82, 86, 166.
adda , 56.

Adenanthera pavonina , 100, 102-4,

106, 108.

Adha , adhaka, 49, 50, 52-54, 70, 72,
73, 83, 90, 91, 126, 166.
atfhavdpa , 36, 48, 49, 51, 54.
adhikamdsa , adhim&sa, 140.

Aditya , 131, 141.

Adityapurana, 21 .
adugu, adugula , 74.

Agni, 145.

Agra, 15, 24.

Agradimbagale. 43,

Agrahdnyana , 137.

Agromoni, 24.

Ahar, 110.

Ahirbudhaya , 145.

Abmedabad, 107.

ahondtra , 127.

Ahura Mazdan, 133.

Ain-i-Akbari ', 11, 32, 68, 74, 87, 113.
Aitareya Brdhmana , 127.

Ajanta, 109, 110.

Akbar, 4, 15, 24, 114.

16, 19, 33, 92, 112.

Alagum, 75.
ajakku, 79, 80, 83, 126.

Alberuni, 11, 13. 18, 24, 76, 86, 95,
97, 98, 101,102, 113, 117.
Aldeberan, 127.

Aleyni, 127.

Alps, 165.

Altekar, A.S., 40, 79, 82.

Alupa, 56.

AmarakoSa , 52, 66.

Amara, 104.
amarantbius, 102.

Amaravati, 107, 110, 115.

Amli, 152.

Amos, 41.
amma, 14.

ammana , , ambanam , 55, 74-76.
anaikundumapi, 102.

Anala, Nala, 144.

Analadevi, 47.

Ananda, 144.

Anangabhima, 39, 42.

Ananthapala, 4.

Anantavarman, 75.

Anavatfa, 76.

Andhra, 42, 43, 55, 56, 59, 60, 63,
65, 75, 84, 85, 96, 99, 100, 154.
andaka, 92.
andi, andika , 103.

188

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Angaraka, 113.

Anginasa, 144.

Afigula, 8-21, 24-26, 28-31, 37, 45,
54, 71, 112, 125, 163, 164, 168.
anjali, 3, 69, 71, 84, 92.
an gust, 31.

Annama, 82.

Appamalai, 82.

Annus magnus, 148.

Antaruj, 128.
am, 31,93, 122, 149.

Anulia copper plate, 22, 51.
Anumkoqda, 146.

Anuradha, 128, 143.
Anuyogadvarasutra , 32, 75, 87, 99,
114.

Aparajitaprchcha , 5, 9, 14, 24, 25,
32.

Apararka, 42.

Apastambha, 16, 19, 111.
Apastambha Sulvasutra , 18, 32, 115.
April, 130, 136, 153, 154.

Aquarii, Aquarius, 128, 136.

Aquilac Ablair, 128.

Arabic, Arabian, 9, II, 14, 15, 97.
Arabs, 17, 132.

Arammi, 57.

Arang, 110.

Zrariyakaparva , 18.
aratni, ratni, 15, 18, 20, 31.
Arcturus, 128, 154.

Ardra, 127, 135, 143, 150, 154.
Ardrapavitram, 333.

Ardharatiba, 126, 150.

Aries, 136.

Arietis, 127.

Aristarchus, 120,

Ari§{anemi, 138.

Aristotle, 120.

Ariyenavallanaji, 81.
armana, 90, 92.

Artha^astra, 13, 15, 21, 25, 34, 40,
64,73,74, 86, 90, 91, 113, 114,
116, 155, 156, 158.

Arthuna, 77, 97, 98.

Arulis, 138.

Anujmojidevan, 80, 81, 83, 166.
Aruijah, Aruparajah, 135.
Aryabhata, 3, 120, 121, 124, 126,

131, 141, 143, 144, 148, 349.
Arayabhapya, Anyabhatiyam, 3, 25,
28, 34, 120, 143, 155-159.

Aryans, 100, 106, 119.

A§ada, 132, 137, 138, 143.
Asamartha, 138.

Asafadeva, 5, 7, 74.

Asia, 165.

A£le§a, 127, 138, 143, 154.

Asoka, 24, 34.

Assam, 52.

Assyrians, 13, 30, 129.

A§tadhyayi, 66.
agu, 159.
astron, 120.

Asvalayana, 18, 33.

Asvaraja, 98.

Asvayuja, 135, 143.

Asvin, Asvina, Asvini, 127, 143, 145,
149.

Atharvapa Nak§atrakalpa, 127*
Atliarvaveda, 11, 32, 92.
Atrisamhita, 45, 66.
audhUyika , 126, 150, 156.

Autrecht, 127.

August, 134, 135.

Aurangzeb, 33, 114.

Avadanasataka, 71, 86.
avali, 161.
avamana, 3.
avarta, 12.

Avinita, 56.
ay ana, 138.

Ayuh, 133.

Aztecs, 139.

Babur, 104.

Babylon, 7, 14, 21. 31.

Babylonian, 8, 12, 15, 126, 127* 129,
, 150,151.

INDEX

189

Badala, 43.

Badami, 38, 146.
bahar, 97.
bahu , 18.

Bahudanya , 144.

Baigram, 22, 50.

Baisakho, Baisakhi, 136.

Bak§ali manuscript, 34, 77, 87, 91,
114, 168.

Balabhid, 145.

BSlambige, 43.

Balambhata, 105, 108.

Balavarman, 57.
ballet' 84, 100, 169.

Ballalasena, 37.

bamdl, bamdiperu , bamdikattu . 76.
Bana, 45.

Ban&wasi, 31.

Bappa, 46.
barahiy 19, 60.
bdram , 168.

Barhaspatya, 145.

15.

barigumchi , 102.

Baroda, 2.

Barrackpur, 21 .

Baskeens, 40.

Baudhayana dharmasutra, sulva-
sutra, 11, 16, 18, 19, 32, 36, 64,
131, 154, 157.

Belgaum, 56, 99.

Belvala, 3i.

Bengal, Bengali, 8, 24, 41, 49, 50,
52, 54, 67, 72, 75, 85. 97, 102,
106, 136, 142, 151, 152.

BenkalvaS pole , 16.
berunda gale , 16, 43.

Besnagar, 108.

Betelgues, 127.

Bhadrapada, 135, 139, 143.

Bhaga, 145.

Bhagavata , 21, 34, 122-124, 160.
Bhagavatapurdpa, 155,
Bhagavatisutra, 4.
bhajani, 112.

Bhandarkar, 78, 94, 98.

bhandaperu , 95, 96.

bharaka , bhara, bharam, 92, 97,

Bharapi, 127, 150.

Bharata, 123, 125.

Bharata Kaumudhi, 66, 86-88.
Bhaskara, Bhaskaracarya, 4, 17, 22,
25, 26, 28, 38, 71, 74, 103, 105,
106, 116, 122, 124, 126, 156, 168.
Bhaftaswamin, 26, 168.

Bhatera, 46.

Bhava, 144.

Bhavifyapurdna, 86, 90.
bhik$u hala, 46.

Bhima, 23, 47, 59, 62 , 99.

Bhinmal, 75, 76, 95, 96, 98.
Bhimesvaravarman, 58.
bhoga hala 9 46.

Bhogavardhana, 38.

Bhoja, 9, 11, 13, 18, 19, 24, 29, 30,
47.

Bhubaneswar, 73.
bhuguda gale, 16, 43.
bhuja , 18
bhuhala , 46.
bhukarada, 23.

Bhuma§aka, 58.
bhumi 9 36, 57, 58,
bhula, 78.

Bhutai, 97.

Bhuvanadeva* 9.

Bible, 129, 151, 157, 167.
bigha, 39, 41, 47, 49-51, 53.

Bijapur, 73, 103,
bisva , 39.

biyayamu tumu, 84,

Bolsheviks, 133.

Bombay, 41, 47, 65, 107.

Bootis, 128.

Bose, D.S., 40.

Bothpur, 43.

Brahma, 40, 147, 148.

Brahma^a literature* J 9, 119, 137.
Brahmagupta, 4, 25, 28, 121, 126,
141, 144, 147.

Brahmas phut a siddhdnta 9 4, 28, 34,
143, 156-159.

190

MENSURATON IN ANCIENT INDIA

Brahmapura&a , 116, 122-124, 155.
Brhad Buddha, 94.
brhad hala, 146.

Brhaspati , smriti , 36, 39, 42, 44, 46,
64, 66, 132.

Brhaspatisamhita , 41, 65.
Brhatsamhita , 4, 15, 33, 86, 114, 146,
157.

Britain, 9, 48.

British, 15, 23, 30, 106.

Brown, 55, 57.

Buchanan, 47, 66.

Buddha, 25,27,95, 111.

Buddhist, Buddhist records, 8, 9,
11, 13, 15, 18, 27, 32, 53, 67,
104, 125, 138, 155.

Budha, 131.

Budhagupta, 132.

Buhler, 78.

Bundelkhand, 25.

Burrow, T, 89.

Caesalpinia crista, 107,

Cahamana, 46, 47.

Cairo, 32.

Caitra, Caitri, 135-37, 142, 143, 149,
152, 153.

Calcutta, 47.

Caliakamu, 57 .

Caiukya, 38, 43, 46, 47, 78, 95, 112,
132, 146.

Camba, 57,

Camundaraya, 97, 98.

Cancer, 136,

Candalur, 19,44,60.

Candelia, 47.

Candil, Candy, 97,99,170.

Candra, 141.

Candrapura, 57,

Canor, 128.

Capricorn, 136.

Caraka, 73, 76, 101, 102.

Caraka samhita , 5, 54, 67, 86, 92,
114.

Carat, 100.

Caratonia silique, 100.

Carob, 100.

Caturvargacint&mani. 37.

Catra, 29,

Caturyuga, 148, 149.

Catuspada, 12.

Cavada, 83.

Cembu, 98.

Cera, 85, 97.

Cetulu , 60.

Ceylon, 76, 105, 114, 115, 150.
Chaldea, 146,

Chammak plates car manaka, 57,
chanothi, 102,
charkhari , 47.

Chauhan, 73, 87,

Chebrolu, 22.

Chih, 12.

Childers, 18, 27, 52, 53. 67. 75, 87.
China, 12, 132, 148, 164.

Chinese, 15, 26, 27, 79, 119, 128,
131, 146, 164.

Christ, 130, 151,

Christians, 129, 130, 131, 151.
Cidambarara, 81, 86, 166.

Cirunaji, 83,

Citra, 128, 135, 143.

Citrablianu, 154,

Citrahasuge, 4.

Cittirai, Citirai, 152,

Citti, 84.

Clepsydra, 125.

Coderington, 104.

Coimbatone, 19
Co]a, 16, 33, 85, 97, 108.

Colebrook, 77, 103, 104*
Constantine, 100, 131.

Coorg. 56, 99,

Copernicus, 120, 167.

Corvi, 128.

Covad, 15.

Crucifixion, 132.

Cunningham, 25, 27, 104.

Cuttack, 39.

Dacca, 61.

dakfipayana, 138, 154.3

INDBX

191

Damaravada, 53.

Dinajpur, 47, 66.

Dams, 95, 96.

Dion Cassius, 130.

Danakhapda , 37, 41, 64.

dinam, 159, 160.

D&namayukha , 40.

Dlrghatamas, 146,

Danasagara, 37, 64.

Diwali, 136, 164.

9, 12, 16-19, 21, 25-27, 29, 31,

Divyavadana, 76, 86, 125, 131, 156.

35, 37-39, 43,58,63, 112, 164,

Drank$ana, 92.

165.

Dravidian, 5, 13, 70, 77, 89, 102.

Dharasena, 61.

Dravinodah, 133.

Darbamaluka, 57.

Dravyaparik$a, 14.

Darvlkarma, 14, 22, 50.

drotia, 47, 49-51, 53-55, 62, 70, 72,

Dahigitik&sutra, 28.

73, 75-77, 83, 90-92, 166.

Dattilam, 156.

dropakhari, 74.

Deccan, 96, 115.

dronavapa, 36, 47, 49-51, 53, 54, 74,

December, 135, 154.

165.

dehalabdarigula, 9.

droni, dronika, 51, 73, 92.

Delphin, Delphinus, 128, 154.

Dubhund, 77.

Denebola, 128,

Dudia plates, 57.

Depalpur, 47,

Dundubhi, 144.

Dentaronomy, 111.

Durmati, 144.

DevamSpika, 75.

Durmukha, 144.

dhadiyam, 168.

Dvapara, 147.

Dhammila, 56.

Dvihalya, 45.

Dhanaidaha, 50.

DvyaSraya, 97, 113.

Dhanapala, 4.

dvitiya, 150.

Dhanannoda gale, 16, 43.

Dhani§tba, 128, 143, 154.

Easter, 130

dhanurdapda, 18.

Edanam, 136.

dhanurgrha , 11, 13.

Edangaji, yedanajji, yedandali, 72,

dhanurmu$tU 11* 13, 17.

81, 83 t 170.

dkarrn, 16, 21, 23, 25, 26.

Edenada, 17.

Dhanus, 136, 168.

Egypt, 1,30, 31, 96, 100, 110, 131,

dhanyaka, 92.

152, 153.

dhari, 97.

Egyptian, 7, 9, 11, 12, 106, 108, 119,

dharapa , 92, 104-106, 116, 117.

129, 133, 138, 139, 149, 150.

Dharvar§adeva, 47.

Ehuvula Santaaiula, 146,

Dfcarmaditya, 22.

Elave gale , 43.

Dharmaraja Manabhita, 59.

Elizabeth X, 30.

Dharwar, 85.

EJiithadikaram, 68, 88,

Dhatri, 144.

Elliott, 89.

Dhavala, 73, 97.

Emeneau, 89.

dhira, 14.

England, 12.

dhira malik, 15.

English, 30, 96, 106, 151.

Dhritra$tra, 133.

Equator, 126, 154.

Dhruvasena, 133.

equinox, 130, 137, 153, 154.

Dighanikaya, 115.

Eran inscription, 132.

192

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Exodus, 130, 137, 153, 154.
Exeligmos, 148, 149.

Expunction, 146,
ezha, 9.

Ezekiel, 7, 14, 32.

Faridpur, 22, 50, 54, 62.

Fa-hien, 26, 27.

Fayzi, 4.

Febiuary, 135, 154.

Firmicus meturnus, 131.

Fleet, 27, 28, 65.
furlang, furlong, 29.
furrow, 29.

GadhaigrSma, 58.
gadyana , 116.

Gagaha, 22.
gajaga, gacaca, 108.

Gajasinghadeva, 76, 98.

Galiadvalas, 38.

Galileo, 120.
ganda, 54, 55, 61.

gandaka , 102.1
Ganeggbad, 56.

Gandbara, 110.

Ganga, 42, 51, 81.

Gangawadi, 31.

Ganjetic province, 25,

Ga^iit atilaka , 4, 34, 37, 64, 86, 99,

113.

Ganitastira , 4, 25, 78, 82, 105.

Gantt astir asangr aha, 33, 86, 94, 113,

114, 121, 156, 161.
gar e mat a, 84.

Garga, 140.
gtirhapatya dhanus , 26.

Gauhati, 57.

gaurasar$apa , 101, 102, 116, 117.
Gautamiputra Satakar^i; 37.
Gaunsvara Mahadeva , 59.
gavyuti,guruta , gavuta, 18, 23, 25,
165.

Gaz, 15, 24.

Gemini, 136.
gepikolage , 84, 104.

Genesis, 129.
ghanaka, 78.
ghananahgula, 8.

ghat aka kupaka , 76, 77, 92.

ghati, ghatika , 76, 77, 125, 150, 152,
159, 161.
ghungechi , 102.
ghur, 95.
gidda , 83.

Giles, .27.

*f//, 83.

Gitikapada, 156.

Goa, 103*
gocara, 42.
gocaraman, 39-41.

God, 103, 132. j
Godachi, 38.

Godavari, 57.
gokarna, 13, 20.

Goladbyaya, 157.

Golapada, 155.

Golkonda, 102.
go$i, 77, 92, 100*

Good Friday, 130.

Gopacandra, 22.

Gopagiri, 51,

Gopalabha|a, 105.

Gorantla plates, 44.

Goru , 60.

Go§atapunja, 51,

Gospel, 132.

Gounarasa, 43.

Govinda, 46, 48, 146.
Govindacandra, 22.

Govinda Kesavadeva, 4J,

Govind pur, 22.
gramahala 3 47.

Greeks, 1, 9, 11,12.13,16,17,21,
24. 61, 95, 97, 120, 127, 128, 129,
134, 148.

Greenwich, 126, 150.

Gregorian, aregomy, 139, 155.
Grl$ma, 138.

Gautamala, 129.

Gudea, 13, 30,
gudi padua , 142.

INDEX

193

Gujarat, Gujarati, 5, 15, 17, 19, 23,
32, 38, 44, 71, 76, 78, 79, 82, 85,
94, 95, 97-99, 102, 103, 105, 107,
116, 154.
gupa, 30.

Gunter's chain, 23.

Gunaigarh copper plates, 52, 53.
guridumapi, 102, 170.
gunja, 92, 10M06, 117.
guntha , 39, 58, 59, 163,

Guntur, 56, 60, 68.

Gupta, 21, 56, 57, 67, 74,^32.
guruvaka$ara , ^wrw, 122, 123, 149.
guruvak?arochcharatiiakala , 122, 159,

hada , 60.

hala, 36, 44, 45, 47, 48.
halavaha , 47.
haele , 47.
halige, 85.

Haimavan, 135.

Haleq, Halequim, 149.

Halsi, 43.

Hanamkon<ja, 43.

Hanuman, 25.
heir a. haraka , 47, 98.

Harappa, 7, 30, 32.

-Aar/, 78.

Harikesah, 133,

Hariputra Visrtaka<ja cutukula-
nanda Satakanji, 23.

Har$a, 45, 71.

Har^acarita. 66.

Harun-AI-Rashid, 15.

Haryanka, 56.

to/a, 13-15, 18, 19, 22, 25, 29, 31,
36-38, 50, 63, 163.

Hasta, 128, 143.

Hastikurxji inscription, 97.

Hastin, 146.

Hathal inscription, 47*

Havi$ka, 73, 77.

Hebrew, 9, 24, 95, 97.
i hedaru , 100.

Heggade, 42.
fcema. 92.

Hemadri, 37, 41, 42, 86, 102,
Hernacandra, 49, 51, 97, 99.
Hemalamba, 144.

Hemanta, 137, 138.

Hery, 30.

Hensive, 57.
heru, 100.

Hieun Tsang, 26-28, 46.

Hindi, 98, 102, 107.

Hindu, 8, 32, 126-28, 131, 132, 145,
154.

Hindustan, 95.

Hlrahadagalli, 38.
Hiranyapurabhoga, 57.

Holy Saturday, Thursday, 130.
Honduras, 139.

Humayun, lx
Hunter, W.W. 54, 67.

Hydrai, 327, 154.

idavatsara, 145, 347.
iddumubiyyamu, 55, 84.

Id moon, 134.

Idvatsara, 145, 147.

Ilahi gaz, 15.

Indra, 142, 145.

Indragni, 145.

Indrapala, 57.

Indus, 3, 32, 101, 108, 114, 115.
Iranian, J3, 133.

Iravan, 135.

Isis, 138, 139.

I$a, 19, 135, 138.

Isralite, Israel, 153.

Ishtar, 329.

Isvara, 144.

Itaiien, 120.

Jagadekaraalla, 60, 125.

Jagadu car it a , 98. 114.

Jagadu shah, 98.
jagartya, 75.

Jaina, Jains, 4, 8, 12, 13, 15, 18, 39,
26, 32. 36, 56, 99, 135, 138, 155,
169.

Jaina ganitasutradhararia , 4

194

Jambudivaparinatti, 32, 115.
Jamnagar, 98.

Janayan, 133,

Janu, 14.

January, 135.

Jan vara, 76, 88,

Japan, 143.
jarib, 24.

Jatakas, 18, S3, 55, 67, 115.
Jtitakatilika , 4.

Jatavarman Sundara Pau<Jya, 94.
Jay a, 144.

Jayaswal, 131,

Jehangir, 24, 25, 95.

Jehovah, 119, 129.

Jenana kala, 17.

Jerusalem, 130, 131.

Jesus, 130,

Jews. 11, 13, 129, 130, 131, 164.
Jewish, 2ewish Rabbis, 15, 119, 133,
149.

Jitya, 45.

Jivah, 133.
jugera, 63.

Junagadh, 14, 77.

June, 135.

Julien, M., 27.

Julius caesar, 139,

July, 135.

Jupiter, 121, 129. 131, 142, 143, 145.
jyisfha , 9.

Jyestha, JyoLstha, 128, 143.
jyoti§a, 4, 121 .

Jyoti§amakaranda, 32.

Kachchapaghata Vikramasimha, 77.
kada , 61, 62.

Kcidam , 25.

Kadamba, 37, 49, 56. 146.

Kadamba padraka, 39.

Kahla, 22.

Kaimattar , k&lamattar , 43.
Kairatnaigar, 59.

, Kaira 43.

Kaka : Kakini , kak'nika , 52, 53, 54,

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

102 .

Kakattya Rudradeva, 55, 146,
kfila, 101, 116, 124, 125, 159, 160,
161.

Kalachuri, 22, 38.

Kalahasti, 80.

Kalakriyapada, 131, 143, *48, 149,
157, 158,

Kulalokaprak&sa , 140.
kalam, 79, 82, 83.
kalamanella, 81.

Knlanju , fcaranja , 94, 105, 107, 108,
170.

kalasa , 76, 92.

kalasi, kalsi , 76, 79, 98, 169.

Kalasasaya, 155.

Kalayukta, 144.

Kalhana. 74, 94, 107.

Kali, i47, 148.

Kalihangan, 7.

Kalinga, 101.

Kalinga-Bodhi Jataka, 55.
Kalingamana. 71, 92, 101,

Kaliyuga, 154.

KaliSarman, 57.

Kallinatha, 123,

Kalpa, 147, 148, 167.

Kalpasthana, 114
Kalyani, 38,

Kamala devi, 78.
kamba, 63.

k&mtna , 36, 42, 43, 63.
Kampulapaliyam, 12, 59.

Kamsa, 17,

KariakkusQram , 72, 82, 83, 89.
kQnandli , karun&li , 81, 82.
Kanchipuram, 81, 108.

Kanauj ,22.

Kanda, 29.

Kane. P.V., 40.

to&i, 45, 48, 49, 55. 62. 63, 62, 161.
kani§tha, 9, 38, 164.

Kannada, 16, 17, 26, 29, 39, 59, 60,
99, 102, 306, 168.

Kansya, 112.

INDHX

193

Kantaka, 112.
kanya, 136.
kapala, 125.

Karaka, 106.

Karapakutuhala , 4.

Karisa , 55.

Karla caves, 46
KarmakSra, 57.

Karmatura k§etra, 61.

Kama, 78.

Karnataka, 31, 42, 45, 56, 59, 63, 79,
84, 89, 95, 97, 98. 99, 100, 142,
154.

Karo$p, 13, 34, 43.

Kar?a, 90, 92, 104, 105, 106, 111,
116, 117.

Karthavirya, 100.

Karthiki, Karthika, krittika, 127,

135, 142. 143, 154.

Karunakaran naji, 80, 81,

Kasakucji, 40, 43
Kas\ha, 124, 157, 158, 161.

Kanaka, karkataka, 136, 154.
Kathaka samhita, 100, 103, 127.
Kathiawar, 47.

Kattiarasa, 38.

Katyayana, 11.

KatySyanasrautasutra, 106, 115.
Kaimdinyapura, 108, 115.

Kautilya, 3,11, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19,23,
26-28,36, 37,61,73, 75, 76, 91,
97, 103-5, 111, 112., 115, 117, 122,
124, 156, 138, 167.

Kavaramoli , 82.

Kazanchikuru, Kazhichchikay, 107.
Kedara, keyara, 48, 51, 61.
Kelhaijadeva, 47, 76, 98.
Kendupattna, 58.

Kerala, 44, 45, 61, 81,83, 85, 135,

136, 142, 152, 154.

Ketu, 131.

khadi, 22.

Khammamet, 56, £7.

Khan4a , 23,

Kharfi, 56,. 85, 97,9^100.

khaptfiga, khartduga , 43‘ 48, 56, 61,
84, 85, 99, 168.

khandika, khandukavdpa , 51, 56.
Khara, 144.

KharU 49, 60, 74, 76, 77, 90, 91.
khdriv&pa , 48, 49, 52.
khararu kolage, 84.

Kharwar, 74.

Khuarizmian sukh, ghur, 76, 95, 98.
Kielhon, 22.

Kilaka , 144.
kiosses, 23.

Kirartanvali, 156.
kisku, 17, 18.
kotfa, 85.

kol, kola, 16, 17,92.

Kolaba, 104.

Kolage , kolagam , 56, 84, 85, 99, 100,
169.

kona, 85.

Kongafli, 56.

kor, korean, 63.

kas, kuroh, 24, 25.

kosala yojana, 26.

kottai, kottaiviraippadu, 48, 83.

Kovalan, 128.

kranti, 61.

Krifnarfija kolage , 84.

Krodhin, 144.
krosa, 23-25, 31, 164.
kjrta, kftayuga, 147, 148.
kri§nala, kfsnakaca, 108, 116.
ksana, 124, 158, 161.
k$aya, Ak§aya, 144.
k$etra gagita, 4.
kjetrama, 29.
k§udraka, 92.
k$udrapada, 11.
kuberak§i, 107.
kuchchela, 59.
kuchchi, 18.
kudam, 98.

kudava, 70-72, 74, 90,93.
kudpmbba, 7.7, 90, 9J.
kula’48.

kuli, 43, 45, 62, 63.

196

MENSURATON IN ANCIENT INDIA

Kulottunga coja, 12, 16, 20, 80.
Kullukabhafta, 45, 49, 73.
kulya, 48-52, 73.

kulyav&pa, 36,49-51, 53,75, 165.
Kumaravi$pu, 43.

KumSragupta, 21, 50.
kumbha, 75, 90-92, 132.
kunchamu* kumca, 84, 169.
kunch, 102.
kunchi, 50, 71, 73.
kum<Jidap<Ja, 38.
kunri, kunrimapi, 108.
kunta, 56, 59.
kuppipudooram, 23.

Kurgi, 29, 44.
kurige, 29.
kurichedu, 59.

Kutch, 99.

Kusuma sambhava, 135.

Kuvera, 53.

lagash, lagas, 7.

laghu, laghuvak$ara, 123, 125, 160.
Lahore, 24.

Lakhanpala, 94.

Lakshmapasena, 22, 52-54, 155.
Lalitavistara , 13, 25, 32.
Lalitaditya Muktapyja, 94, 107.
Lalla, 4.

Lalrai inscription, 95, 98.

Langla, 45.

Lanka, 126, 150, 152.

Lapideries, 112.

Last supper, 132.

Latin, 131.
lava , 122, 159-61.

Lekhapaddhati , 96, 98, 114.

Leo, 136.

Leonis, 128.

Leviticus, 158.

Li, 27. 27, 164.

Libra, 128, 136.
lik?a, 8,31, 101, 116.

Lil&vatU 4, 28, 33, 64, 74, 86, 114.
Lin Hein, 148.

Lokah, 133.

Lord, 130.

Lothal, 7, 30.

Luders, 33.

Ma, 45, 62, 63.

Madanap&Ia, 48.

Madanavarmadeva, 48.

Madevi, Mahadevi, 82.
Madhainagar, 51.

Madhava, Madhu, 51, 52, 61, 99.
Madhyama, 9, 75, 164.

Madhya Pradesh. 110.

Madras, 49, 62, 80, 81, 88, 95, 113*
170.

Madurai, 81.

Magadha, 52, 71.72, 74, 101.
Magadhamana, 92, 101.
Magadhayojana, krosa, 24, 26, 27.
Magha, 128, 135, 138, 143, 147.
Mahabhaskariya , 156.

Mahtibharata. 18, 31, 33, 37, 41, 64*
65, 133, 153.

Maha Narad a Kassapa Jdtaka , 112.
Mahakalpa, 148.

MahSkuta, 146.

Mahara?tra, 79, 85, 103, 142, 154.
Mahasvan, 135.

Mahatalavari Atavi CatuSri, 45.
Mahavira, Mabaviracarya, 4, 18,
24-26, 71,75, 76,90, 91,97, 102-
105, 116, 117, 122-24, 154, 167.
Mahayuga, 149.

Mahipala, 23, 61, 99.

Mahoba plates, 48.

Maitraka, 12, 56, 61.

Maitrayapi Samhita, 127.

Makara, 136, 154,

Makiriyinti, 43.
malaca putti , 84.

Malavalli, 23.

Malay alam, 83, 102, 107.
malamdsa , malimula , malimulca , 140.
mdligaikhol, 15, 43.
man, 96, 97, 165.
mana, 3, 39, 58, 59, 78, 96-98.
Man-i-Akbari, 96, 166.

INDEX

19?

man-i-Jehangiri, 96.
man-i-Shah Jehani, 96, 166.
marti , 75, 91.

manangu, manangulu, 96, 165.
manaka y 96.

Mdnavadharmas utra, 86.

Manappa Bhat, 34.

MQnasoUOsa , 102, 108, 112, 114.
Mandalagrama, 54.
maneh. 96.

Mangale^a, 146.

manJ8di t manjilip , 101-3, 106-8, 170,
manika 71,74, 75.

Mapimekalai, 25, 33.

Manmatha, 144.

Manu, 3,24, 31, 37, 45, 66, 101-5,
107, 111, 114, 117, 136, 160.
Manusmriti, 66, 125, 156.
Manvantara , 147, 148, 167.
mar , 19.

marakkal, 79, 81-83.

Maranjadaiyan, 108.

Marathi, 29, 98, 99, 102, 107.

March, 135, 142, 154.

Marduk, 129.

Margi, 123.
marici , 101.
marfsay 92, 101 .

Markab, 128.

Mfirkandayapurdya, 21, 25, 32, 157.
Mars, 129, 131, 132, 145.

Maruturu, 39, 42-44.
Maryadasagaradeva, 22.

Mas a, 92, 103, 104, 106, 116, 117.

ma§a, 151.

mas aka, 91, 104.

Masulipatnam, 99.
mStra , 123, 125.
rndtrangula, 9.

Mathura prasasti, 72, 73, 77.
Matsypurapa , 32, 39, 41.
mattal, mattar , 36, 39, 42, 43, 63.
May, 135.

Mayamatem, 5, 9, 13, 18, 23, 32, 58,
62, 68.

Mayan, Maya, 139, 144.

Medam, 136.

Medhyah, 133.

Medini, 49.

Mediteranean, 100.

Mehta, R.N, 24, 33, 113.
Mellacherumu, 60.

Mercury, 129, 131, 132.

MeSa, 136, 139, 142, 145, 149, 154.
Mesopotamia, 100, 108.

Mina, 110, 136.

Mina, 94.

Mirat-e-Ahmadi, 98, 114,
miskal, 104.

Mitak$ara, 37.

Mithra. 133,

Mithuna, 136.

Mody. JJ, 78.

Modha, 133.

Moghul, 15, 24, 166.

Mohammedans, 126.

Mohenjo daro, 32, 108, 115, 164.
Monier Williams, 42, 49, 72, 124.
Moon, 119, 129, 131-34, 141, 142„
145, 149, 151.

Moreland, 97.

Mosaic, 153,

MrgaSira, Mrga, MargaSira, 127,.
143.

MrigeSavarman, 146.

Mrthyakh&nda, 113.
muda , mudey 48, 56, 98.

Mudhuy mullu , 60.
mudrika, 112.

Muhurta, 118-20, 122, 126, 160-62.
Muhurta cintfimapi, 133.

Muhurta Gapapati, 133.

Muktakesva, 107.

Mula, 128, 143.
mul am, 13, 60.

Mummudi Bhinta Kumca , tumu y
manika, 75, 84.

mundrU mudri t mudrigai , 62, 68, 10 1
Mura, 17, 60.

Musala, 16.

Musca, 1, 27.

Musti, 11, 50, 69-73, 107, 166.

198

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

muta, mutaka, 98.

Mutasa, 145.
muthumu , 84.

Mymensingh, 54.

Mysore, 25, 84, 99.

Nabhss, Nabh§s>a, 135, 138.
n&di, nfilu, iiala % 21, 22, 50, 125.
nadika, nalika, 16, 21, 51, 125, 149,
159.

Nadlai, 78.

Nagaman?ala, 56, 99.

Nagari, 39, 42.

N5garjunakofl<Ja, 46, 110, 146.
Naibati, 21, 54.

Nak$atra, 127, 140, 142, 150, 151.
Naladiyar, 61, 68.
n&ligai , ndligai vali t 27.
naji, najika, 52, 79-83, 120, 360, 163,
166.

uaiikavapa, 51, 52.
nalu , 129.

rnlva , nalvamu, 21, 22, 25.
nalvana, 92.

Nandana. 48, 144.

Nandi, 75, 112.

Nandimapika, 75.

Nanditumu , 84.

Nandiv&rman, 40. 44.

Narada, 103, 122, 125.

Naraji, 110.

Narasimha, 58.

Naravarman, 39.

Nardyana rtali, 81.

Narayanavanam, 82.

Nasik, 104.

Ndfydtostra, 123, 156.

Navagrha, 131.

Navsari, 98.

Nellore, 55, 57.
nelmani, 83.
nemo, 120.

Nepthy«, 138.

Nergel, 129.

Neros, 146.

Nevari era, 155.

New Testament, 132, 157.

Nidaga, 135.
nighaiitu, 19.

Nihar Ranjan Ray, 61.

Nilakanja, 37, 41.

Nile, 7, 139, 152.

Nilometer, 7, 15, 32.

NimapStaka, 53.

Nime&a, 124, 125, 159, 160, 160
Nirayana, 144.

Nirv£na> 155.

Nisan, 153,
nifka, 92, 105.

NUisdra , 32, 64, 76, 86, 114, 115,
116.

Nitvagohali, 51.

Nivartana , 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 57,
63.

Noabhali, 54, 53, 62.

Nolambawadi, 31.

North Arcot, 12.

North India, 94.

November, 135.

Nowgong, 57.

Nrpatunagarman, 45. 80.

Nut, 138.

Nyayakandali, 156, 161.

October, 1 35, 154.

Ojasvan, 133.

Ojha, G.H. 79.

Orissa, Oriya 39,. 42, 58,. 85, 152.
Orius, 138.

Orionis, 127,

Ovdntaramalla , 16, 43.

pada-p&da , 11, 12, 16, 31, 61.
pddagam, 45, 60,

padakn, pad aka, padakku, 78, 79. 82,
88, 90, 114.
pad&rtha, 90.
paddvartd . 12, 60, 61.
padi, 79, 82, 163.

Paddirruppattu , 76.

INDEX

m

Padmanath Bhattacharya, 48, 61, 78.
pagoda , 170.

Paharpur, 21, 50, 51.

Paithan, 46.

paila, paili , payali , pail am, 47, 77-9,
94, 96, 163.

pala t palam t 71-73, 90-94, 96, 99,
106-8, 111, 112, 116, 123, 150, 159
165, 166, 169, 170.

Palas, 21.

Palakol, 60.

Palestine, 63.

PSIi, 18, 22, 52.

P&litana, 61.

Pallava, 38, 44, 46, 64, 65, 80, 88.
Palm Sunday, 130.
papa, 61.

PancSnana Tarkaratna, 73.
Pancasiddhantika, 126, 147, 156,
157.

Pancat antra, 21. 33.
paEcavara, 81, 82.

Panchanga, 136.

Panchmahal, 96.

Paptfukeswar, 52.

Pan^ya, 81, 97, 108.
pandumuneyi, 84.

Panicum milliaceum, 8.

Papini, 13, 46, 48.

Panithage, 43.

Papyrus, 10.

Parabhava, 144.

Parakesari,, 81, 82, 166.

Paramdnu , 92, 122, 149, 161.
Paramardideva, 48, 57.

Paramaras, 37, 39, 46, 47, 97.
Parameswariya hasta, 14.
Para§urameswara, 73.

Paragara, 41, 42, 65.

Paridhavin, 144.

Pargitar, 50, 51.

ParihasakeSavadeva, 107.
parimdni , 111.
pariraya , II.

Parivatsara, 73.

Partabgarh inscription, 75.

Parthiva, 144.

Parrah , para , 83, 169.
parva, 39.
parvara gale, 16.
pa$a, 23, 30.

Passover, 151, 153.
pataka, 48, 51, 52, 53, 54.
Pajanarayana, 74.

PataEjali, 16, 19.

Pathan, 114.

Paiiganita, 4, 17, 94, 96, 98. 103,
106, 116.

patikadu, patuka, 60.
patti, 36, 40, 44, 63.
Pattyamattavura, 17.

Pausa, 135, 143,

Pavluru Mallana, 55, 84, 88, 96
113.

Pavayisyan, 133.

Pavitram, 133.

Pavlus Aiexandriners, 131.

Pegasi, 128.

Pella putti, 84.

Penukonda. 51, 52, 61.
perllamai , 82.
peru, 92.

Persia, Persian, 4. 13, 15, 96, 107.
Pes, 12.

Phalguna, Ph&lguni, 135, 138, 153.
Philo tans, 120.
pichu, 92.
pidi, 70.

PilayaMli, 81.

Pillaim&rl, 59.

Pinamana, 135. ,

Pingala. 144.

Pirimiyam, 82.

Pirudumanikha uri, 80
Pisces, Piscuim, 1 28, 138.

Plava, PJavanga, 144.

Pleides, 153, 154.

Poa, 6J.

pod hi, pothy, 83, 169.

Pollux, 127.

200

Pompeii, 110 131.

Portugese, 16, 99.

Potr; 145.

Prabandha Paficasati , 98, 114.
Prabhaa, 144.

PradeSa, 13 20.

Pradhani, 29
Pragjoti§a, 57.

Prajapati, 24, 37, 144.

Prajapatya hast a, 13.

Prakrama, 3, 16, 30.

Prakrti, 46.

Prakumca, 92.

Pramadicha Samvatsara, 96, 96.
Pramapa, 3, 28, 141.
pramdriangula, 8.

Pramathin, 144.

Premeyartha manju$a, 116
Pramoda Abhid&na , 39, 42.
prana, 159.

Pran Nath, 40.

Prasasthapada bha§yam, 156.
prastha, 52, 72, 73,83,90,91, 92,
94, 104, 125.

Prasthima pataka
prasrti, 3, 69, 71, 90, 91, 92.
Pratapasimha, 77, 78,

Pratarahgula, 8,
pratyandaka, 59.

Pravarasena, 57.
pravarthavfipa, 48, 51, 52.
Pravartika; 75, 90, 91.

Prinsep, 81, 82, 102, 104.
Prithvivardhana, i35.

Prithvi,* Kongani Maharajah Vijaya
skandadeva, 56, 99.
Prolakumca, 84.

Promodah, 133,

Proverbs, 111,

Prsthimapaftaka, 51;
Pruthudakasvamin, 4.

Psalms, 151.

Ptolemi,I20, 139.

Pulasara, 60.

Puncjravardhana bhukti, 22.

MENSURATION IN ANCIfcNT INDIA

Punarvasu, 127, 143, 154.
Pup<Jarikah, 135.

Punjab, 25, 136, 142, 154.
pura, 78.

Purdna, 12, 13, 18, 26, 71, 104, 347,
168.

pur u$a, 18-20, 28.

Puranauuru, 108, 115.

Purpagrama, 39.

Puri?akala3anga$i, 97, 113,

Puff idangomjan n&Ji, 4
Purnimanta, 134, 135.

Purva Bhadrapada, 128, 143.
Purva$a<Jha, 128, 143.

Purva phalguni, 128, 143.

Pushpa Niyogi, 41.
pu$kala, 50, 73, 90.

Pu$ya, 127, 147.

Putah, 233.

putty, putti. 55, 56, 57, 58, 84, 169.

qabda, 11.

Raghavananda, 48.

Raghufiandana, 73.

Rahan plates, 48.

Rahu, 131.

Rajadanda, Rdjamdnadanda; 17, 43.
Rajadeva, 78.

Rajadltya, 4, 25, 33,84, 85, 168.
Rajagrha, 27.

Rgjakcsari, 81, 82, 83, 166.

Rajaraja, 80,81, 94, 166.
Rajasarsapa, 101, 116.
Rajatarangipi,74, 87, 137, 113. 115.
Rajendra co]a, 45, 80, 81, 94, 166,
Rajgir; 110.
r5jika, 92, 101.
rajju, 12, 18, 22, 30, 38, 61.
rajjukaba; amachcha, mahattara,
uttara, 23.

Rajor, 77.

Rajyap&ladeva; 22.

Rak$a$a, 144.

Raktak^a, 144.

INDEX

201

Ramdyana, 25, 34
Ramkarna, 94
Rangacarya, it 8, 89
RasakaumudI , 155
Rasavan, 135
Ra$mi, 30

Ra$trakuta, 38, 46, 73, 88, 97
Ratana , 18

Rat Ik a, Rati , 92, 102, 103, 105, 105,
107

Ratharenu , 31

Rathagfsta, Rathacitra, 138
Rathaprata, Rathsvena, Rathanjala,
138

Ratnapala, 57
Ratnaparik§a, 108
Ratta, 100
Raudra, 144
Ravivarman, 44
Rayapala, 77, 78
Regulus, 128
Rekha, 44. 61
Rcvati, 128, 143

Rgveda, 7, 32, 64, 73,87,119, 126,
127; 135, 135, 137, 140, 146
Resurrection, 130, 151
Rhys Davids, 67
Rikku, 18
Ri$abha, 136
Rohifli, 127

Roman, 9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 30, 61,
63, 110, 129, 130, 142, 148, 153
Romaka Siddhanta, 147, 157
Rome, 31, 131

Rudra Mahadeva, Perggade, 59
Rutu, 138, 141
Rudirodgarin, 144
Rudradaman, 14
RudrapaniSarman, 39
Russian, 15, 40

Sabbath, 130, 131
Sabdakalpadruma, 50, 73
Sachindrakumar, Marty, 5J
$adaha, 128
Sadharana, 144

Sagittari, Sagittarius, 128, 136
Saha, M.N. 133
Sahamana, 133
Sahas, Sahasya, 135, 138
Sahasvan, 133
SakaJeSvara, 42
Sakamedha, 137
Sakranala, 143
Saktipur, 22
tfala, 11

Salihun<Jam, 108, 115
Salage , S allage, Solage , 56, 84, 101,
169

Salikedara J at aka, 55
Solotgi, 43
Sama , 11

Samaranganasutradhara , 5, 9, 13, 15,
18, 21, 30, 32, 168
Samantasimha, 7
Samatata, Samatatiya, 22
Samavartatula, 111
Samaveda , 140
Sambharah, 135
Samos, 120
Samsarpa, 140
Samsobha, 146
Samuel, 167
Samya, 18

Samvatsara, 138, 140, 141, 143, 144,
147

Sana, 92
Sandhi, 147, 148
Sanchor inscription, 76, 77
Sandesara, 78, 113
Sangam, 76
Sangha, 46

SangJta cudamani , 125, 156
Sanglta makaranda , 125, 156
Sangltaratnakara , 9, 123, 156
Sani, 131
Saniscara, 131
Sanisrava, 140
gankaragana, 38
Sankereh, 7,21, 30
Sankranti, 136, 141, 15?
§annivartani, 36

202

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Sanskrit, 40, 43, 81, 96, 108, 136, 166
Sanyambadi, 75
Sarad, 138

Sarangadhara, 5, 54, 69, 71, 72, 73,
76, 86, 37, 92, 97, 99, 101, 113,
114

Sarava, 92, 138
Sarasangraha ganifa, 59, 88
garavikaya, 9, 15
Sarda, 5

Sarngadeva, 9, 124
Sarnajodah, 135
Sar$apa, 92
Sarthavara, 115
Sarton 148
Sarvajit, 144

Sarvarin, Sarvadharin, 144
Satabhijak, 128

Satamana pala, Satamana, 104, 105,
106, 107, 117

Satapatha Brahmam, 18, 32, 57, 68,
71, 86, 104, 105, 115, 127, 138,
140, 157
£atataraka, 143
Satatapa samhita, 41, 65
Satavahanas, 38, 46
Saturday, 129, 131
Saturn, 129, 132
Saugar, 132
Saumya, 144
Savantwadi, 97
Scorpio, Scorpionis, 128, 135
Seb, 138

Seer, 95, 96, 97, 99, 169, 170
Sei, 45, 78, 94
Senagrants, Senas, 18, 21
Senajit, Susena, 138
September, 135, 154
Serais, 24.

Sermut, 155
Set, 138
Setika,8Q
Sevadi, 98
Sevidu, 79,80
Shah Jehan, 15, 25, 95
Shahmasb, 29 -

Shamasastry, 27
Shari, 15
Sharma.R.S, 40
Shep, 11
Sherkban, 24
Sholapur, 104
Sholinghur, 82
Siberia, 23

Siddharta, Siddhartin, 144, 146
SiddhMa Sekhara , 125, 155, 161
Slddhanta Sironwi, 4, 28, 125, 148,
155, 158, 159, 161
Sieu, 13

Sikhandhari, 15, 24
Sikhandhar Lodi, 15
Silaharas, 38

Silappadikaram, 82, 88, 127

Simha, 136

Sin, 129

Sinhalese, 52

Singanakatte, 43

Sira, 36,48

Sircar, D.C 45, 52, 54, 73, 75, 98, 106

Sirius, 138

Sirpur, 1100

Sigira, 135, 137, 138

Siva, 135

Sivacandra, 14, 50
Sivaskandavarman, 38, 46
Siyadoni, 77
Skandagupta, 14
Sobhakarana, 144
Sodagika, 90, 91
Sodhadeva, 22
Sola, 84
Solstice
Soma, 131, 145
Somavarmadeva, 57, 75
Somesvara, 102, 108, 112
Sontige , 84
Sasos, 146
South Arcot, 82

South India, 61, 62, 77, 79, 80, 81,
87, 97, 99, 101,102, 114, 126, 16$
Spha$tadhikara, 15$

Spica, 128

INDEX

203

Havana, 128, 138, 140, 143

Sravani, 138

gravasti, 27

Sravis^ha, 28

Sreyan

Sridhara, Sridharacarya, 4, 17, 24,
25,26,38,75, 94, 106, 116, 156,
168

!§rimukha, 144
Sripfida, Sripfidakkol , 12, 16
Sripati, 4, 25, 37, 75, 90, 97, 99
Stadia, 24
Stein, 27* 107
Stoka, 123, 16 1
Strabo, 24
Subhakrt, 144
Subbanu, 144, 146
Subiksaraja deva, 52
Suci, 135,138
Suchyaagula, 8
Sudargana, 14
Sudravanah, 133
Sukla, §uklapak$a, 144
gukra, 9, 24, 40, 71, 76, 86, 90, 103,
104,116, 131, 135, 138
$ukraniti, 37, 85
§ukti, 92

SulVa, texts, sutra, 3, 8, 13, 15, 16,
18, 19

San, 119, 320, 131, 132, 134, 135, 141,
142, 145, 149, 152, 154
Sunak, 47

Sunday, 129, 130, 152
Sunderban, 22, 52
Suprati§la, 135
Susena

Suraguror divasa, Suraguru, 132
Surat, 96, 106
Surpa, 92

Suryaprajnapti, 125, 157
Sufyasiddhanta , 120, 123, 125, 136,
145, 148, 156, 157, 158
Su&ruta samhita, 5
Sutra, 30

Smannakakkata J fit aka, 55
Surarnamasaka, 126

Suvarna, suvarnam, 92, 104, 105,
116, 125

Sveta§ar$apa, 116

Swamikkannu Pillai, 134, 156, 157

Swastika, 112

Swlti, 128, 143

Sylhet, 22, 48, 55, 78

Sylvan levi, 131

Syria, 96

Tatttrya Brfihmana, 48, 133, 135, 157

Taittriya Samhita, 127, 138, 140, 157

Takkolam, 82

Takkura Pheru, 4, 94

Tala, 11

Talagunda, 43

Tdlasamudrctm, 124, 156

Talent, 97

Tamil, 16, 39, 25, 43, 45, 48, 52, 54,
80, 83, 93, 97, 98, 99, 102, 108,
123, 126, 150

Tamijnadii, 45, 48, 61, 62,79, 97, 136,
142, 154

Tan<Jula, 95, 102
Tanduvayi, 59
Tanjore, 82
Tantu, 30

Tapas, Tapasya, 135, 138
Tarana, 144
Tarkeya, 138
Tarpandigl, 22
Tatpara, 122, 149, 161
Taurus, 136
Tama , tamwa, 85
Tavernier, 33, 302
Taxila, 104, 108, 115
T efah 9

Telugu, 15, 16, 17, 19, 39, 42, 43, 60,
64, 65, 96, 97, 102

Terninalia Bellerica (Bellorica My-
robalan), 104
Thailand, 19
Thibault, 139
Thyagarajaswamy, 81
Tiahuanaco, 155
Tidgundi , 59

204

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Timana, 60
Tiloyapannatt?, 8
Timpira, 59

Tirumaraikkaiju, Tirumaraikkacjan,
80,81

Tirimukku(Jal, 79, 81, 83
Tirumalava<Ji, 94, 108
Tirupati, 82
Tiruratur, 81
Tiruvavadudurai, 45
Tithi, 127, 150, 151
Tola, 96, 107, 169
Tolaka , 107
Tolu, 99

Tolkappiyam, 62, 68, 82, 88/96, 114,
123

Tonalpalhualli, 139

Toramana, 97

Traipuru§a, 43

Trasarenu , 8, 92, 93, 101, 160

Tra§ta, 145

Treta

Trichi, 94

Trihalya , 45

Truth 122, 124, 149, 160, 161

Tudor, 30

Tuesday, 150

Tula , 97, 99, 110, 136

Tulam , 99, 170

Tulalak$anam, 112

Tulu, 85

Tumu , 55

Tuni t 11, 79, 83, 88
Turkish, 8

Uayeb, 139
Uchchvasa, 123, 161
Udari, 42
Udayana, 123, 156
Ud ay eu diram, 46
Udayasimhadeva, 77,98
Udvatsara, 145
Ujjain, 126
Ulakku, 79, 80
Uncia, 9

Untnana , udamana , 48, 52, 92

Unnavan, 135
Uri , 79, 80
Urja, 135
Usabha, 18
Uttama, 164

Uttara Bhadrapada, 143
UttaradhyayanasQtra, 4
Utar^sada, 128, 143
Uttaraphalguni, 128, 143
Uttarayana r 138, 154

Va, 19

Vadanagar, 24
Vadha, 36, 48
Vaha, 90,91,92
Vahh 92

Vaidehi Krishuamurthy, 88, 113
Vaijayanti, 22, 25, 34, 124, 156
Vailama Setti, 59
Vailabhattaswarain, 14, 51, 77
Vainyagupta, 53
Vaisakha, 135
vaisvadcva, 137
Vaivasvata, 147

Vdjaseniyasamhita , 48, 100, 110,
114

Vakataka, 38, 68
Vdldgra, 8
Valla, 115

Vallalasena, 22, 53, 54
Vallihita, 53
Vallisaka, 53
Valmiki, 34
Varna , 19, 127
Vamfa, 38
Vanavirodhi, 135
Varahakena, 53

Varaha mihira, 16-19, 33, 72, 105,
126, 142, 147, 154
Varahapurapa, 71, 72, 86, 90, 157
Varendri, 22
Vardhamanapuram, 83
Var$a, 137, 138
Varunapraghasas, 137
Vasanabha§ya, 155
Vasanta, 135, 137, 138

INDEX

205

VaseSara, 78

Vasi${ha, 17,41, 111,115
Vastusastia, 164
Vatagohali, 51

VateSvara, 120, 123, 124, 155, 159
Vatsara, 145
VatU vatikti, 42, 58, 59
Veddnga Jyoti?a> 124, 125, 127, 128,
138, 140, 147, 154, 157
Ved&ranyam, 80, 81
Vedic Index , 87, 114, 156, 157
Vadavananayakan, 80, 81
Vedha, 160
Vellore, 82
Venus, 132
Vibhava, 144
Vidalapada, 92
Vitfelvidugu, 80
Vighaharaja, 46
Vihita, 95
Vijahrapura, 53
Vijaya, 135, 144, 146
Vijayaditya, 38
Vijayapala, 77
Vijayaraja, 43
Vijayasena, 22, 77
VijfianeSwara, 3, 41, 64, 105
Yikarin, 144
Vikrama, 144, 155
Vlkramaditya, 43, 59, 95
Vikrta, 144
Vilambin, 144
Vilayati, 152
Vilva, 92
Vimsopaka, 78
Vina, 9

Vinatfi, 159

Virarajendra, 79
Virodhin, 144
Virodhikrit, 144
Virgo, 136

Vi£a, viss, visama, 59, 93, 95, 96, 97,
165, 170
Visakha, 128
Vi§nu, 107
Vi$nugupta, 102

Vi§nudharmottarpurana, 90
Visnupuraria , 125
Visnusamhitci, 65
Vi§nuvardhana, 132
Vtssantara J at aka , 115
Visva, 49
Visvajit, 135
Visvako&i, 34
Vigvavasu, 144
Vitasti, Vidhathi , 13, 18, 20
ViSvakarma VastuMstram, 5, 9, 17,
24, 32

Vivasvan, 147

Vost, Major, 28

Vrtakhantja, 33, 37, 41, 102, 114

Vrchchika, 136

Vrihi, 9

Vrihipltaka, 55

Vr$a, 144

Vr§abha Sankara, 21
Vyama, 18, 19, 20, 31
Vyayama ) 18, 19, 20, 30
Vyasa, 133
Vyavaharangula , 8
Vyavaharanita f 4, 26, 83, 84
Vyavahdraratna, 4
Vyaya, 144

Walsh, 104
Waraka, 77

Walter Elliot, 95, 102, 113
Watkins Harold, 157, 158
Weber, 127

Wilson, 39, 42, 58, 66, 79, 81, 84, 87,
88, 89, 96, 99, 102, 103, 113

Xylon, 21

Yad, 15
Yadavas, 38
Yaksarya, 27

Yajnavalkya, 3, 39, 64, 101, 102, 104,
105, 107, 111, 112, 114, 115, 117
Yajurveda
Yasah, 133
YaSasvan, 133

206

MENSURATION IN ANCIENT INDIA

Yasti, yatthi, 18, 48, .61
Yava t 9, 13, 71
Yavodara, 9
Yojana , 25-29
Yucatan, 139

Yuga, 19, 140, 146, 147, 148
Yugadhi, 142

Yugandhari, 47
Yuktikalpataru, 29,34
yuka, 8

yuvan, 144,145

Zeret, 13
Zimmer, 126

CATALOGUED.

65015

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